We live in a postmodern society, where apparently the perception of truth is
distorted as Steve Tesich refers to it as the [1]'post truth society'. Law today
has a close affinity towards the perceptions of the contemporary society. As
sociologists argue, for a law to be widely accepted it has to be in consonance,
with the beliefs, and with what the society perceives as the eternal justice
system.
Law is henceforth a dynamic concept that has to adapt itself to the
changing belief system of the society. It is indispensable, for a sound legal
system to ensure that their laws are built in such a way so as to facilitate the
symmetry of modern ideologies and order. Any altercation in relation to this
would result in controversies. As far as controversies are concerned, one such
thing that has recently been a topic of debate, within the legal luminaries is
"Section 69 of BNS".
This Section is the part of the newly amended Act Bharatiya
Nyaya Sanhita which is meant to replace the archaic structure of the Indian
Penal Code and update it according to the contemporary needs. This Section
specifically deals with criminalizing sexual intercourse obtained through
deceitful means. Here the term deceitful means emphasizes the making of false
promise to marriage, concealing one's own identity and making of false promise
of employment or promotion.
The research that is unfurled in this article had
its thrust, from a challenge before the high court of Kerala[2]. The main point
that is put to introspection here is the constitutional validity of this
section. Many adversaries argue that, this Section by explicitly extending
protection to women, has proved to be misandristic, as this unprecedented
assumption is pejorative to men and leads to a question, 'Are only women prone
to fall for deceit?', 'Are only men the perpetrator?'.
Like [3]John Locke said,
laws should be egalitarian, in nature but extending this protection only to
women itself defeats the whole purpose of Article 14 of the Indian Constitution
that is, right to equality. That apart, some argue that, it is too ambiguous
that it might be misused and even some argue that, it is still backed up by
traditional norms and practices rather than resonating with modern ideologies.
Rising queries in relation to this Section, indicates the immediate need to
address the dilemma, whether laws are actually developed or is just in an
advance stage of decay.
In the contemporary society, even though not binding by the traditional norms it
is the matter of fact that live- in relationships have become more and prominent
especially in urban areas. The western influence has rendered in distorted
relationships and today a man and a woman in a long-term relationship who
despite knowing the uncertainty, of them ending up together, might or might not
indulge in sexual intercourse, in such a case, this section instigates a ready
weapon in hands of woman to be used against men, as means of reprisal, when the
relationship comes to an end.
This is one big concern that has to be addressed.
As far as the constitutional validity is concerned, it has to comply with the
test of reasonable classification which has been laid down in the case of
[4]
State of West Bengal v. Anwar Ali.
This test has inculcated twin conditions
to be satisfied to determine the constitutional validity. The first condition
emphasizes the need for the classification to be on the basis of intelligible
differentia. The second condition is that the differential must be in a rational
relation with the sought object that is to be achieved by the act. This Section
is not something that was formed in a nick of time, but over a period of time.
Shedding light on its evolution process would render an understanding of its
object. Before August 11, 2023, there was no separate section specifically
dealing with this matter.
However, these matters were brought to attention, by
merging two sections of the Indian Penal Code that is Section 376 and Section
90. Section 376 of IPC deals with the punishment for the offence of rape and
Section 90 deals with consent to be given under fear or misconception. Hence
this act of sexual intercourse by deceitful means were considered as rape.
The Differing Concept of Consent:
The section of rape in itself is very complicated, considering all the
intricacies it has waived in both technical and theoretical spheres. One of the
prime essential to prove the offence of rape is the 'absence of consent'. The
term consent refers to the expression of free will and autonomy of an individual
who is free from coercion. It is vital that the person consenting must be aware
of all the consequences he will be facing as the result.
With reference to
Section 90 of IPC, in certain circumstances even the consent given shall be
considered as no consent provided, they are obtained by means of misconception
of fact, concealing of identity or through fear. Hence when a man induces the
women, to have sexual intercourse with him through a false promise of marriage,
Section 90 shall take effect read with Section 376 thereby culminating in an
offence of rape. This was the position, till the enactment and enforcement of
the new Act.
This classification of this offence as rape has faced a severe
backlash in the legal society. In the offence under Section 69, there is no
absence of consent but instead the presence of consent would be contingent upon
the promise that the other party makes. Hence it would be a consensual sexual
intercourse however, upon disconformity with the promise the whole point of
consent becomes meaningless. This is when it was debated that rather recognizing
it as rape it has to be seen as a case of deceit, which is less degree than
rape.
Owing to the criticism, in the new enactment it is highlighted that this
offence is no longer considered as rape rather as an offence of sexual
intercourse by deceitful means. In the new enactment it is not the element of
consent that matters but it is the level of deceit that has become the focal
point.
Rationale behind section 69
[5]According to the 2021 report of the National Crime Records Bureau there are
about 31,677 cases of rape registered in India, out of which about 56% of them
are cases of false promise of marriage which is alarmingly high. This postulates
one thing, that women were, is and will continue to be the vulnerable section in
the society if this situation were to persist. Especially this offence is more
prevalent in states like Uttar Pradesh which happens to be one of the states
with the lowest literacy rate.
One of the contributing factors, to this offence
is lack of education. These women are more prone to fall for deceit. It is an irrebuttable fact that men target these vulnerable women to sexually exploit
them, with the fake promise of marriage and once they are done with them, they
desert, but it is the women who have to live with the scar for the rest of her
life. In certain exceptional cases the women who is tangled up in this kind of
situation might even get pregnant, which adds more perplexity to the situation
because then she would become an ineligible member of the marriage market, and
then again would be perceived as defiant in the eyes of the society.
Unfortunately, we live in a society where women are judged and ridiculed for
their every action. We live in a society where men and women are positioned in
different social strata, where men are in a dominant position and are more
independent. A man going out at night is fine but when the same is done by a
woman she is being judged. A man consuming alcohol is fine but when the same is
reciprocated by a woman she is labelled as nasty.
As Malcom said "A wrong is a
wrong no matter who does it and who says it", but to the disappointment, it is
not how our Indian society is adapted, different rules and morals are construed
for each gender. The legislature considering the consequences that a woman is
put through, has ensured protection for her, especially through incorporation of
this section.
The object being protection of woman, it is rightly obtained through the
incorporation of this section "Whoever, by deceitful means or by making promise
to marry to a woman without any intention of fulfilling the same, has sexual
intercourse with her, such sexual intercourse not amounting to the offence of
rape, shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which
may extend to ten years and shall also be liable to fine".
Certain feminist
thinkers have found the phrase that was added in the explanation clause i.e.
"deceitful means" shall include inducement for, or false promise of employment
or promotion, or marrying by suppressing identity", as offensive and degrading
of women's dignity, as the perception that a woman, would get into a sexual
relationship with a man just for the sake of employment is preposterous. But
what these feminist thinkers have failed to consider is the actual field
reality.
The literacy rate among women has considerably increased even though
ironically women labour force participation is only 37% which is 39 million out
of the 361 million men. There are many desperate women out there looking for
jobs, to maintain their family economy, and men who are at the fiduciary
advantage use this as an opportunity to sexually exploit them, and as a result
many end up being a housewife.
Just talking about occupational equality will not
earn us anything unless some reformation is done hence it is significant to
bring the act of false promise of employment and promotion also to be included
within the ambit of 'deceitful means'. This prevents these acts of sexual
exploitation by providing a conducive environment for woman to work safely.
[6]The 300-page Hema committee report submitted to the chief minister of Kerala
in December 2019 along with necessary evidence and findings would reiterate the
relevance of this provision in BNS, in the context of the contemporary society.
Another concern that was raised in relation to this section is that it impliedly
targets live-in relationships, which is in contravention to the judgement of
[7]
S. Khushboo vs. Kanniamal & anr (April 2010), wherein, live-in relationships
were not considered as illegal. However shedding light on the case of [8]
Pramod Suryabhan Pawar v. State of Maharashtra shall give us a differing insight.
In
this case the complainant was aware that there existed obstacles in marrying the
accused and still continued to engage in sexual relations, the Supreme Court
quashed the FIR stating that a distinction has to be made between a false
promise to marriage which is given on understanding by the maker that it will be
broken and a breach of promise which is made in good faith but subsequently not
fulfilled. Inferring from this judgement live in relationships will not come
within the purview of this section as here both parties enter into this
relationship with no commitment, meaning with no intention of marriage, even if
such conversation arises at any stage of the relationship, they commit to it
knowing the uncertainty of them ending up together which defeats the whole point
of this section, henceforth this section would not cover live-in relationships.
To sum up, when it comes to the validity of this section, it is constitutionally
valid and hasn't violated Article 14 of the Constitution. Article 14 of the
Constitution emphasizes about the need to have equality before law and equal
protection of law, it is for this reason it has brought the test of reasonable
classification. The term reasonable classification emulates the power of the
government in making laws covering only specific class of people for the purpose
of their upliftment and in doing so achieving equality.
Section 69 reserves
protection, especially to women in order to decrease the victim rate which is
alarmingly high inferring from the data presented above. The high victim rate
reveals the subservient position that women are in the society which calls for upliftment.
Hence it has satisfied the very first rule of the twin test which is
intelligible differentia by extending protection to women, thereafter it could
be seen that the whole skeletal structure of this section itself is construed
upon its object of upliftment, which it does by penalizing the act of sexual
intercourse through deceitful means, therefore satisfying the second condition
as well. On the final note Section 69 of BNS is constitutionally valid.
The Question of Gender Neutrality:
We seek equality and try to achieve it in almost every sphere of life. But the
answer to the question whether our laws are constructed in a way to facilitate
the concept of equality is still ambiguous. The raising debate over Section 69
has led to yet another query as to why there is no gender-neutral law recognized
in terms of sexual offences especially rape. [9]About 14% of reported rapes
involve men or boys, and that 1 in 6 reported sexual assaults is against a boy
and 1 in 25 reported sexual assaults is against a man.
But lack of
gender-neutral law in India has rendered these men victims defenseless with them
having no option of protection under our law. Gender neutral law seek to address
the legal consideration for ensuring that laws are applicable to everyone
irrespective of their gender. It is the need of the hour to address the raising
sexual assault against men. The government by failing to recognize gender
neutrality in law is only reflecting their millennial thought process. The
austere stereotypes of our Indian society are the biggest impediment which makes
it difficult to recognize gender neutrality.
Our Indian society is sculpted in a
way where a predetermined position is decreed for every individual with men
occupying the dominant position in the social strata. As an individual occupying
dominant position, men in our society are expected to adhere certain archaic
dogmas like men should not cry, men should refrain from expressing their
feelings, men are supposed to be strong and so on.
The trait of expressing
their feelings is associated with lack of manliness, in such a case when an
injustice like sexual assault is perpetrated against them, it becomes a matter
of flawed masculinity and the society largely judges them and even questions
their gender identity. So, when it comes to sexual offences it is so gendered
that an instance of sexual assault is seen as a failure of that man to live up
to his positioned role. It is a predefined notion that is sculpted in our mind
that sexual offense is done against women by men, but that is not the reality.
Not just men there is also no protection for transgender people as well.
In the Transgenders Act under Section 18 transgenders are given protection against
sexual assault with the punishment of not less than six months but which may
extend to two years and with fine. Even if this section is presumed to include
rape still the degree of punishment is too lenient and discriminatory. [10]
The
most recent incident that took place in Trichy serves as a good example to this,
where Kanmani a transwoman having moved to Trichy for a fresh start was
allegedly arrested for theft and was confined where the jail warden raped her
and when she sought to file a case against him, she was tortured by means of
solitary confinement and yet after several years of protest the jail warden is
serving 2 years of imprisonment. The differing degree of punishment for the same
offence but for different genders only leads to an assumption of how there is a
biased treatment of each gender. [11]
According to the 2015 report of the
National Integrated Biological and Behavioural Surveillance (NIBBS), the
National AIDS Control Organization (NACO), and the Ministry of Health and Family
Welfare states that 31.5 per cent of transwomen said their first sexual
encounter with a man was non-consensual/forced and many of these cases go
unreported. Article 15 of the Indian Constitution talks about prevention of
discrimination against citizens on the basis of sex, caste, religion, race and
place of birth, considering that isn't the mere assumption that only women are
the victims of sexual offences a way of discriminating against that gender.
Today we live in an era where the concept of preposition of each gender in the
social strata is getting receded all thanks to the various social movements.
However, on the verge of obtaining female equality we have failed to consider
the occurring injustice against other genders. It is high time for the people to
accept that other genders are also exposed to various kinds of sexual
offences.[12] It is a fact that other genders also experience the similar
effects of sexual offence like that of a women like shame, anger, fear and more
importantly questioning their own gender identity. Hence it is important that
the legislators recognize the hardships that other genders face and accordingly
take steps to neutralize the provisions relating to sexual offences.
End Notes:
- https://www.prrac.org/projects/fair_housing_commission/los_angeles/AndPoorGetPoorer-TheNation.01.96.pdf
- https://hckinfo.kerala.gov.in/digicourt/Casedetailssearch/Statuscasenovoice; WP(C) No: 31598/ 2024
- Andrew Heywood, Political Ideologies: An Introduction 32(3d ed. 2003).
- State of W.B. v. Anwar Ali Sarkar, (1952) 1 SCC 1
- https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/lucknow/marriage-promises-led-to-57-rapes-in-up/articleshow/78798446.cms
- https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cgq24z8z817o
- S. Khushboo v. Kanniammal, (2010) 5 SCC 600
- Pramod Suryabhan Pawar v. State of Maharashtra, (2019) 9 SCC 608
- https://endsexualviolence.org/where_we_stand/male-victims/
- https://www.outlookindia.com/national/the-many-rapes-of-indias-transgender-citizens
- https://www.outlookindia.com/national/the-many-rapes-of-indias-transgender-citizens
- https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC10135558/#sec1-behavsci-13-00304
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