Without a doubt, in its march towards enhancing digital footprint across world's
largest democracy, AADHAR project has given identity to the billions of vanished
Indians searching for their identity. If statistics are to be trusted as of
March 2018 this 12 digit unique ID number had already become a lifeline of more
than 1.17 billion Indians taking up into its ambit almost 89.2 % of Indian
population. However the so called and revered most sophisticated ID programme
of the world, was eventually locked up in a spurt of as many as more than 30
challenges through myriad petitions before the Courts of Law because of its
alleged broken legal framework until its fate was finally decided recently by
the Honble Apex Court in September 2018.
Fatefully the Apex Court's verdict is finally out with 1448 page length detailed
judgment in which AADHAR has emerged out to be victorious with 4:1 majority.
AADHAR and its architecture has been held to be primarily constitutionally valid
albeit with certain riders. The Court has struck /read down few provisions of
the Aadhar Act which most significantly includes Section 57:: the use of the
Aadhar by the private companies.
Other sections struck / read down include:
33(1), 33(2), 47, 2(d), regulation 27. On the flip side, the judgment has a
silver lining too with fiery and historic dissenting judgment by maverick
Justice D.Y. Chandrachud. Disagreeing with his brother judges Justice
Chandrachud held that Rights of 1.2. billion citizens cannot be tested as a
mere contract with the UIDAI and that Aadhar does not pass the test of the
Article 14 of the Constitution. Further expanding the view on Aadhar being
primarily unconstitutional he held that Aadhar violates informational privacy,
self determination and data protection and consequences of not giving Aadhar
number are draconian.
Thus the dissenting judgment of Justice Chandrachud forces one to analyse and
revisit again the Aadhar legislation and its overall architecture and examining
its Constitutionality on the touchstones of Right to Privacy and Equality and
with respect to overall concept of constitutional morality. Many experts do
believe that the Aadhar judgment has flaws and judgment has thrown as many
questions also along with the answers which it has provided. The instant paper
revolves rubric to tracing roots of Aadhar, Apex Court's Verdict, its
critical analysis , analysis of passing of Aadhar as money bill inter-alia
amongst several other issues. Author strongly believes that overall Aadhar
project needs improvement on several fronts along with strong data protection
regime.
1. Aadhar: Tracing The Roots And Concept
Going without any doubts, Aadhaar a simple Hindi word meaning
Foundation
bears much worth today. To say that India has become a nation obsessed with Aadhar would definitely not be an overstatement. Going conceptually, Aadhar is a
nationwide personal identification scheme by which the Government of India
stores some basic demographic and biometric information of residents and assigns
each a random 12-digit number and a registration card called as Aadhar card.
The
government hopes to eventually enroll every resident, whether or not they have
citizenship. The data is collected by the Unique Identification Authority of
India (UIDAI), a statutory authority established in January 2009 by the
Government of India, under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Electronics and
Information Technology, following the provisions of the Aadhaar (Targeted
Delivery of Financial and other Subsidies, benefits and services) Act, 2016. The
primary aim of the Aadhar Project / scheme is to create an easily accessible
unique digital identity for residents that is linked to various government and
financial services, including bank accounts. The uniqueness is slated to be
achieved by Biometrics which the project collects from the residents. Thus with
Aadhar Govt. seeks to achieve the monolith identity for all the residents and
move towards One Nation , One Identity concept.
The current avatar of the UID scheme or Aadhar called as a centralised,
biometrics based database / data bank took shape under the guidance of Nandan
Nilekani, erstwhile head of the IT major Infosys, who took over as the first
Chairperson of the UIDAI. Let us gaze through the short tale of the history of
this unique ID which we all carry with us.
1999 |
Later the Kargil war, the Kargil Review
Committee, headed by security analyst K. Subrahmanyam, was formed to
study the state of national security.
|
2000 |
- They submitted its report to Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee
on 7 January. He proposed that citizens in villages in border region
be issued identity cards on a priority basis.
|
2001 |
- A Group of Ministers (GoM), headed by L. K. Advani, was formed
to study the recommendations and examine possible implementation.
The GoM submitted its report in May 2001. It had accepted the
recommendation for an id card. The card would be first issued in
border villages and then elsewhere.
- Then in late September 2001, the Ministry of External Affairs
proposed a mandatory national identity card.
- Then, the Ministry of External Affairs proposed that a mandatory
national identity card is issued.
|
2003 |
- In December, The Citizenship (Amendment) Bill, 2003 was
introduced in the Lok Sabha by L. K. Advani. It primarily aims to
provide various rights to persons of Indian origin.
|
2009 |
- The UIDAI was established on 28 January after the Planning
Commission of India issued a notification.
- On 23 June, Nandan Nilekani, the co-founder of Infosys, was
appointed by the United Progressive Alliance government to head the
project. He was given the newly created position of the Chairman of
UIDAI which was equivalent to a Cabinet minister.
|
2010 |
- In April, the logo and the brand name Aadhaar was launched by
Nilekani.
- In May, Nilekani said he would support a legislation to protect
the data held by the UIDAI. In July, UIDAI published a list 15 of
agencies which were qualified to provide training to personnel to be
involved in the enrollment process. It also published a list of 220
agencies which were qualified to take part in the enrollment
process.
- In July, UIDAI published a list 15 of agencies which were
qualified to provide training to personnel to be involved in the
enrollment process. It also published a list of 220 agencies which
were qualified to take part in the enrollment process.
|
2012 |
- On 7 February, the UIDAI launched an online verification system
for Aadhar numbers. Using the system banks, telecom companies, and
government departments could enter an Aadhaar number and verify if
the person was a resident of India.
- On 26 November, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh launched an
Aadhaar-linked direct benefits transfer(DBT) scheme. The project
aimed to eliminate leakages in the system by directly transferring
the money to the bank account of the recipient.
|
2013 |
- On 23 September, the Supreme Court issued an interim order
saying that the government cannot deny a service to anyone who does
not possess Aadhar, as it is voluntary.
- On 9 October, the National Payments Corporation of India
launched an Aadhar-based remittance system. Using the system funds
could be transferred to any Aadhaar-linked bank accounts, if only
the Aadhaar number was known.
|
2014 |
- In March, Nandan Nilekani resigned as the Chairman to contest in
the general election on an Indian National Congress nomination. His
responsibilities taken over by 1981-batch Indian Administrative
Service officer Vijay Madan, who was given an extension of his term
as the director-general and mission director by the government.
Before elections in March, BJP national spokesperson Meenakshi Lekhi
and general secretary Ananth Kumar had criticised the project for
issuing Aadhaar to illegal immigrants.
- On 1 July, the former UIDAI Chairman Nandan Nilekani met with
the Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Finance Minister Arun Jaitley
to convince them of the project’s merits.
- On 5 July, Modi announced that his government retain the project
and asked the official to look into linking the project with
passports.
|
2015 |
- In March, the Aadhaar-linked DigiLocker service was launched,
using which Aadhaar-holders can scan and save their documents on the
cloud and can share it with the government officials whenever
required without any need to carry them.
|
2016 |
- On 11 March, the Aadhaar (Targeted Delivery of Financial and
Other Subsidies, Benefits and Services) Bill, 2016, was passed in
the Lok Sabha. During the Rajya Sabha debate on 16 March, Sitaram
Yechury of Communist Party of India said that bill should not have
been passed when the issue right to privacy was still in the Supreme
Court.
- As of 31 March 2016, 99.9 crores (999 million) Aadhaar numbers
have been issued in the project.
|
2. Analysis of The Apex Court's Judgement On Aadhar :: Writ Petition (Civil)
No. 494 of 2012 Justice K.S. Puttaswamy (Retd.) And Another Vs. Union of India
And Others
The Supreme Court finds a pragmatic middle path between the Aadhaar scheme's
excesses and its benefits to the marginalized.
The Aadhaar project has survived a fierce legal challenge. Ever since a
nine-judge Bench ruled unanimously last year that privacy is a fundamental
right, opinion began to gain ground that the unique identification programme was
vulnerable in the face of judicial scrutiny.
It was projected by sceptics,
detractors and activists as an intrusion on citizens' privacy, a byword for a
purported surveillance system, a grand project to harvest personal data for
commercial exploitation by private parties and profiling by the state. But the
government has staved off the challenge by successfully arguing that it is
essentially a transformative scheme primarily aimed at reaching benefits and
subsidies to the poor and the marginalised. Four of the five judges on a
Constitution Bench ruled that the law enabling the implementation of the
programme does not violate the right to privacy of citizens; instead, the
project empowers marginalised sections and procures dignity for them along with
services, benefits and subsidies by leveraging the power of technology.
2.1. Majority View
In a landmark decision given on Sept 26 2018, the five bench of the Hon'ble Apex
Court of India with 4 : 1 majority upheld the Aadhaar Act, the use of the money
bill route for its legislative passage and the use of mandatory Aadhaar-based
identification for government welfare schemes, the expenditure for which is
drawn from the Consolidated Fund of India. The Bench comprised of Justice
Chandrachud, Justice Ashok Bhushan, Chief Justice Dipak Misra, Justice A M
Khanwilkar and Justice J Sikri. While Chandrachud gave a historic dissenting
view disagreeing with his brother judges and holding aadhar to be
unconstitutional, other four judges upheld the validity of the Act. Let us analyse how the majority bench answered various tough questions raised before
it.
The Supreme Court, in a majority opinion on Wednesday, upheld Aadhaar as a
reasonable restriction on individual privacy that fulfils the government's legitimate aim to provide dignity to a large, marginalised population living
in abject poverty.
The Constitution does not exist for a few or minority of the people of India,
but
We the People, the Supreme Court observed:
The majority view by Chief Justice of India Dipak Misra and Justices A.K. Sikri
and A.M. Khanwilkar declared Aadhaar a document of empowerment.
Anunparalleled identity proof. A document that cannot be duplicated unlike
PAN, ration card, and passport.
Justice D.Y. Chandrachud wrote a sharp dissent, declaring Aadhaar
unconstitutional. Justice Ashok Bhushan, in a separate opinion, concurred with
the majority view, saying Aadhaar has been widely accepted. Justice Sikri said
technology had become a vital tool for ensuring good governance in a social
welfare state. Schemes like PDS, scholarships, mid-day meals, LPG subsidies,
involve a huge amount of money and fool-proof Aadhaar helped welfare reach the
poor.
- Question 1: Whether the Aadhaar project creates or has tendency to create
surveillance state and is, thus, unconstitutional on this ground?
Judgment: The architecture of Aadhaar as well as the provisions of the Aadhaar
Act do not tend to create a surveillance state, said the majority order.
According to the order, this is ensured by the manner in which the Aadhaar
project operates. Drawing from representations made by the Unique Identification
Authority of India and the government, the order stated:
During the enrolment process, minimal biometric data in the form of iris and
fingerprints is collected. UIDAI does not collect purpose, location or details
of transaction.
Thus, it is purpose blind. The information collected, as
aforesaid, remains in silos. Merging of silos is prohibited. The requesting
agency is provided answer only in Yes' or No' about the authentication of the
person concerned. The authentication process is not exposed to the internet
world. There are sufficient authentication security measures taken. There is an
oversight by Technology and Architecture Review Board and Security Review
Committee.
During authentication no information about the nature of transaction
etc. is obtained. The authority has mandated use of Registered Devices for all
authentication requests. Hence the three judges have held that it is very
difficult to create profile of a person simply on the basis of biometric and
demographic information stored in CIDR. But the order has diluted some
provisions pertaining to data protection. For instance, it has directed that
authentication records are not to be kept beyond a period of six months, whereas
the Aadhaar Act permitted five years.
- Question 2: Whether the Aadhaar Act violates the right to privacy and is
unconstitutional on this ground?
Judgment: Referring to the earlier Supreme Court decision that determined
privacy to be a fundamental right, the order states that any restraint on
privacy must meet three tests.
· backed by law
· legitimate state aim
· proportionality
The existence of the Aadhaar Act and delivery of welfare benefits fulfils the
first two requirements. The order noted that the third test of proportionality
has also been met because:
· the purpose of the act is to ensure deserving beneficiaries of welfare
schemes are correctly identified;
· it also achieves the balancing of two competing fundamental rights:
right to privacy on the one hand and right to food, shelter and employment on
the other.
But the majority order directs that Section 7 of the Act, which says proof of
Aadhaar number is necessary for receipt of certain subsidies, benefits and
services, etc., would cover only those benefits for which expenditure is drawn
from the Consolidated Fund of India. On that basis, CBSE, NEET, JEE, UGC, etc.
cannot make the requirement of Aadhaar mandatory as they are outside the purview
of Section 7 and are not backed by any law.
- Question 3: Whether children can be brought within the sweep of Sections 7 and 8
of the Aadhaar Act?
Judgment: The majority order has permitted the enrollment of children under the
Aadhaar Act with the consent of their parents/guardian. On turning 18, if a
child wants to opt out of the Aadhaar, she will be given the option to
exit. Currently that provision is absent in the act. Determining that school
admission of children is neither a service nor a subsidy, the order directed
that requirement of Aadhaar would not be compulsory for admission. Since under
the Constitution education is a fundamental right for children of the ages 6 to
14 years, enrollment under a scheme such as Sarv Shiksha Abhiyan does not
require Aadhaar as it is not a benefit. But for availing benefits of other
welfare schemes Aadhaar can be made mandatory for children, subject to the
consent of the parents. And though the order allows for the limited use Aadhaar,
it includes an overwhelming exception. The judgment quotes We also clarify that
no child shall be denied benefit of any of these schemes if, for some
reasons, she is not able to produce the Aadhaar number and the benefit shall
be given by verifying the identity on the basis of any other documents.
- Question 4: Whether several sections of the Act are unconstitutional?
Judgment: The majority order has in many cases read down and in some, even
struck down sections that the petitioners argued to be unconstitutional. The
most important of which is Section 57 which permits the use of Aadhaar by
private companies.
Section 57 permits the use of Aadhaar number for establishing identity for any
purpose, by the state or any corporate or person, pursuant to any law or
contract.
Judgment: The order stated that any purpose is susceptible to misuse and can
only be a purpose backed by law. It also found that allowing any corporate or
person to use Aadhaar for authentication, especially on the basis of a contract
between the corporate and an individual, would enable commercial exploitation of
private data and hence is unconstitutional. But the order is not crystal clear
whether all private use of Aadhaar for authentication is unconstitutional or
whether this applies only if such private use is based on a contract between a
corporate and a person. This part of the provision which enables body corporate
and individuals also to seek authentication, that too on the basis of a contract
between the individual and such body corporate or person, would impinge upon the
right to privacy of such individuals. This part of the section, thus, is
declared unconstitutional.
The other sections that have been read or struck down include...
Section 33(1): disclosure of Aadhaar information in certain cases, such as
pursuant to a court order.
Judgment: The order said an individual, whose information is sought to be
released, must be given the opportunity of a hearing and the right to challenge
any such court order.
Section 33(2): restricts confidentiality of Aadhaar data in cases of national
security if so determined by senior government officer (joint secretary).
Judgment: Any breach of confidentiality can be done only on the orders of a very
senior government officer (higher than joint secretary) along with a sitting
high court judge.
Section 47: provides that only UIDAI can file a court complaint in case of
violation of the act.
Judgment: The section must be amended to also allow filing of such complaint by
an individual/victim whose right is violated.
Section 2(d): pertains to authentication record ie: the record of the time of
authentication, identity of the requesting entity and the response provided by
UIDAI.
Judgment: The provision in the present form has been struck down but can be
reframed keeping parameters laid down in order.
Regulation 27: which provides archiving of data for a period of five years.
Judgment: Struck down. Retention of data beyond the period of six months is
impermissible.
- Question 5: Whether the Aadhaar Act could be passed as Money Bill' within the
meaning of Article 110 of the Constitution?
Judgment: Since the purpose of the Aadhaar Act is to create unique
identification so that citizens can avail government subsidy, benefit or
service, the expenditure for which would be from the Consolidated Fund of India,
it can be passed as a money bill.
No Mandatory Use Of Aadhaar To Open A Bank Account
The order found that such mandatory provision of Aadhaar to open a bank account
or maintain an existing one does not stand the test of proportionality and violates the right to privacy of a person which extends to banking details.
No Mandatory Linking Of Aadhaar With Mobile Number
The order found that since the circular issued by the Department of
Telecommunications making such linkage mandatory was not backed by a law, it was
illegal and unconstitutional.
It's important to note that Justices Chandrachud and Bhushan delivered separate
opinions in this case. Justice Bhushan concurred with the majority view.
5. Whether Section 139AA of the Income Tax Act, 1961 is violative of right
to privacy and is, therefore, unconstitutional?
Conclusion of CJI Misra and Justices Sikri and Khanwilkar (emphasis supplied)
Quote:
Validity of this provision was upheld in the case of Binoy Viswam by repelling
the contentions based on Articles 14 and 19 of the Constitution. The question of
privacy which, at that time, was traced to Article 21, was left open. The matter
is reexamined on the touchstone of principles laid down in K.S. Puttaswamy. The
matter has also been examined keeping in view that manifest arbitrariness is
also a ground of challenge to the legislative enactment. Even after judging the
matter in the context of permissible limits for invasion of privacy, namely:
- the existence of a law;
- a legitimate State interest'; and (iii) such law should pass the test
of proportionality', we come to the conclusion that all these tests are
satisfied.
Unquote
2.2. Minority View : Fiery And Historic Dissent of Justice D.Y. Chandrachud
Now let us analyse the sharp, historic and singular dissenting judgment
delivered by Maverick Justice Chandrachud. Many experts do believe that
Chandrachud's 'brooding wisdom' on Aadhaar may be tomorrow's majority view. In
writing a seminal dissenting opinion that differs greatly on the validity of
Aadhaar as a money bill, the constitutionality of Section 7 of the Aadhaar Act
and on whether the unique identification programme lays the ground for a
surveillance state, Justice D.Y. Chandrachud has surely laid the ground for
future political and judicial debate. Justice D Y Chandrachud's judgement was
emphatic about the violation of the right to privacy of the Aadhaar programme Let
us analyse in brief major curative aspects from his judgment on Aadhar:
. Constitutional guarantees cannot be subject to the vicissitudes of
technology..... (Chandrachud J., dissenting, paragraph 269)
- On Aadhaar as the new oil
While data is the new oil, it still eludes the life of the average citizen.
If access to welfare entitlements is tagged to unique data sets, skewed
access to informational resources should not lead to perpetuating the
pre-existing inequalities of access to public resources. An identification
project that involves the collection of the biometric and demographic
information of 1.3 billion people, creating the largest biometric identity
project in the world, must be scrutinized carefully to assess its compliance
with human rights.
- Why Aadhaar as a money bill is a fraud on the constitution
Introducing the Aadhaar Act as a money bill deprived the Rajya Sabha of its
power to reject or amend the Bill. Since the Aadhaar Act in its current form was
introduced as a Money Bill in the Lok Sabha, the Rajya Sabha had no option other
than of making recommendations to the Bill. The recommendations made by the
Rajya Sabha (which also included the deletion of Section 57) were rejected by
the Lok Sabha.
The legislative history is a clear pointer to the fact that the
subsequent passage of the Bill as a Money Bill by-passed the constitutional
authority of the Rajya Sabha. The Rajya Sabha was deprived of its legitimate
constitutional role by the passage of the Bill as a Money Bill in the Lok Sabha.
The Rajya Sabha has an important role in the making of laws. Superseding the
authority of the Rajya Sabha is in conflict with the constitutional scheme and
the legitimacy of democratic institutions. It constitutes a fraud on the
Constitution. Passing of a Bill as a Money Bill, when it does not qualify for
it, damages the delicate balance of bicameralism which is a part of the basic
structure of the Constitution.The ruling party in power may not command a
majority in the Rajya Sabha.
But the legislative role of that legislative body
cannot be obviated by legislating a Bill which is not a Money Bill as a Money
Bill. That would constitute a subterfuge, something which a constitutional court
cannot countenance. Differences in a democratic polity have to be resolved by
dialogue and accommodation. Differences with another constitutional institution
cannot be resolved by the simple expedient of ignoring it. It may be politically
expedient to do so. But it is constitutionally impermissible. This debasement of
a democratic institution cannot be allowed to pass. Institutions are crucial to
democracy. Debasing them can only cause a peril to democratic structures.
The Act thus fails to qualify as a Money Bill under Article 110 of the
Constitution. Since the Act was passed as a Money Bill, even though it does not
qualify to be so, the passage of the Act is an illegality. The Aadhaar Act is in
violation of Article 110 and therefore is liable to be declared
unconstitutional.
- On UIDAI's Responsibility or Lack of It
Under the Aadhaar architecture, UIDAI is the only authority which carries out
all the functions, be it administrative, adjudicatory, investigative, or
monitoring of the project. While the Act confers such major functions on UIDAI,
it does not place any institutional accountability upon UIDAI to protect the
database of citizens' personal information. The Act is silent on the liability
of UIDAI and its personnel in case of non-compliance of the provisions of the
Act or the regulations made under it.
Under Section 23(2)(s) of the Act, UIDAI
is required to establish a grievance redressal mechanism. Making the authority
administering a project, also responsible for providing for the framework to
address grievances arising from the project, severely compromises the
independence of the grievance redressal body. Section 47 of the Act violates the
right to seek remedy. Under Section 47(1), a court can take cognizance of an
offence punishable under the Act only on a complaint made by UIDAI or any
officer or person authorised by it. There is no grievance redressal mechanism if
any breach or offence is committed by UIDAI itself.
The law must specify who is
to be held accountable. The Act lacks a mechanism through which any individual
can seek speedy redressal for his/her data leakage and identity theft.
Compensation must be provided for any loss of data of an individual.A stringent
and independent redressal mechanism and options for compensation must be
incorporated in the law. Section 47 is arbitrary as it fails to provide a
mechanism to individuals to seek efficacious remedies for violation of their
right to privacy.
Whether it is against UIDAI or a private entity, it is
critical that the individual retains the right to seek compensation and justice.
This would require a carefully designed structure.
- Why Section 7 of Aadhaar Act is troubling
The state as a part of its welfare obligations provides numerous benefits to
school going children, including mid-day meals or scholarships, to children
belonging to the marginalised segments of the society. Should the disbursal of
these benefits be made to depend upon a young child obtaining an Aadhaar number
or undergoing the process of authentication? The object of the state is to
ensure that the benefits which it offers are being availed of by genuine
students who are entitled to them.
This legitimate aim can be fulfilled by
adopting less intrusive measures as opposed to the mandatory enforcement of the
Aadhaar scheme as the sole repository of identification. The state has failed to
demonstrate that a less intrusive measure other than biometric authentication
will not subserve its purposes. That the state has been able to insist on
adherence to the Aadhaar scheme without exception is a result of the over
breadth
of Section 7. Consequently, the inclusion of benefits and services in Section 7
suffers from a patent ambiguity, vagueness and overbreadth which renders the
inclusion of services and benefits arbitrary and violative of Article 14.
The institution of rights places a heavy onus on the State to justify its
restrictions. No right can be taken away on the whims and fancies of the State.
The State has failed to justify its actions and to demonstrate why facilitating
the targeted delivery of subsidies, which promote several rights such as the
right to food for citizens, automatically entails a sacrifice of the right to
privacy when both these rights are protected by the Constitution.
One right
cannot be taken away at the behest of the other especially when the State has
been unable to satisfy this Court that the two rights are mutually exclusive.
The State has been unable to respond to the contention of the petitioners that
it has failed to consider that there were much less invasive measures that could
have furthered its goals.
The burden of proof on the State was to demonstrate
that the right to food and other entitlements provided through the Aadhaar
scheme could not have been secured without violating the fundamental rights of
privacy and dignity.Section 7 suffers from overbreadth since the broad
definitions of the expressions services and benefits' enable the government to
regulate almost every facet of its engagement with citizens under the Aadhaar
platform.
If the requirement of Aadhaar is made mandatory for every benefit or
service which the government provides, it is impossible to live in contemporary
India without Aadhaar. The inclusion of services and benefits in Section 7 is a
pre-cursor to the kind of function creep which is inconsistent with the right to
informational self-determination. Section 7 is therefore arbitrary and violative
of Article 14 in relation to the inclusion of services and benefits as defined.
- Why telecom service providers should delete their Aadhaar-linked data
The conflation of biometric information with SIM cards poses grave threats to
individual privacy, liberty and autonomy. Having due regard to the test of
proportionality which has been propounded in Puttaswamy and as elaborated in
this judgment, the decision to link Aadhaar numbers with mobile SIM cards is
neither valid nor constitutional.
The mere existence of a legitimate state aim
will not justify the disproportionate means which have been adopted in the
present case. The biometric information and Aadhaar details collected by Telecom
Service Providers shall be deleted forthwith and no use of the said information
or details shall be made by TSPs or any agency or person or their behalf.
- Why Aadhaar is unconstitutional
Identity is necessarily a plural concept. The Constitution also recognizes a
multitude of identities through the plethora of rights that it safeguardsThe
technology deployed in the Aadhaar scheme reduces different constitutional
identities into a single identity of a 12-digit number and infringes the right
of an individual to identify herself/himself through a chosen means. Aadhaar is
about identification and is an instrument which facilitates a proof of identity.
It must not be allowed to obliterate constitutional identityThe entire Aadhaar
programme, since 2009, suffers from constitutional infirmities and violations of
fundamental rights. The enactment of the Aadhaar Act does not save the Aadhaar
project. The Aadhaar Act, the Rules and Regulations framed under it, and the
framework prior to the enactment of the Act are unconstitutional
- Why Section 7 can't be used to justify Aadhaar Act as a money bill
A Bill, to be a Money Bill, must contain only provisions which fall within the
ambit of the matters mentioned in Article 110.Section 7 of the Act allows the
Aadhaar number to be made mandatory for availing of services, benefits and
subsidies for which expenditure is incurred from the Consolidated Fund of India.
Under clause (e) of Article 110(1) the money bill must deal with the declaring
of any expenditure to be expenditure charged on the Consolidated Fund of India
(or increasing the amount of expenditure).
Significantly, Section 7 does not
declare the expenditure incurred on services, benefits or subsidies to be a
charge on the Consolidated Fund of India. What Section 7 does is to enact a
provision allowing for Aadhaar to be made mandatory, in the case of services,
benefits or subsidies which are charged to the Consolidated Fund. Section 7 does
not declare them to be a charge on the Consolidated Fund.
It provides that in
the case of services, benefits or subsidies which are already charged to the
Consolidated Fund, Aadhaar can be made mandatory to avail of them.Section 7, in
other words, is a provision for imposing a requirement of authentication and not
declaring any expenditure to be a charge on the Consolidated Fund of India.
Hence, even Section 7 is not within the ambit of Article 110(1)(e).
However, even if Section 7 were to be held to be referable to Article 110, that
does not apply to the other provisions of the Act. The other provisions of the
Act do not in any event fall within the ambit of Article 110(1). Introducing one
provision – Section 7 – does not render the entirety of the Act a Money Bill
where its other provisions travel beyond the parameters set out in Article 110.
3. Passing of Aadhar As Money Bill:: Whether A Constitutional Misdemeneour?
A significant question that required consideration in the Aadhaar judgment – KS
Puttaswamy v Union of India – was whether the Aadhaar (Targeted Delivery of
Financial and Other Subsidies, Benefits and Services) Act, 2016 was rightly
passed as a
Money Bill or not since primarily the nature of the legislation
is not so.
To the utter surprise of many legal experts the majority of judges
held that it was indeed a Money Bill while the dissenting judgment of Chandrachud J. held to the contrary. Thus two contrary views given by equally
learned judges forces one to analyse whether indeed introduction of Aadhar
as a a money bill was legally correct or not.
The reconsideration and analysis
of the issue is direly important as it is virtually reduces the Rajya Sabha to
a nullity and will enable any Government, which has a majority in the Lok Sabha,
to simply by-pass the Rajya Sabha where it may be in a minority. All that is now
required is for any bill to merely contain a provision involving expenditure to
be paid out of the Consolidated Fund of India.
Types of Bills
The examination of Articles 107 to 117 of the Constitution indicates the
following kinds of Bills:
(i) General Bills (Art 107) (ii) Money Bills (Art 110) (iii) Appropriation Bills
(Art 114)(iv) Financial Bills (Art 117)
Introduction of the Aadhaar Bill
The Aadhaar Bill was first introduced as a Money Bill in 2016. This Bill
contained 59 sections of which only section 7 referred to the Consolidated Fund
of India and the relevant portion of that section reads as follows:
7. Proof of Aadhaar number necessary for receipt of certain subsidies, benefits
and services, etc- The Central Government or, as the case may be, the State
Government may, for the purpose of establishing identity of an individual as a
condition for receipt of a subsidy, benefit or service for which the expenditure
is incurred from, or the receipt there from forms part of, the Consolidated Fund
of India, require that such individual undergo authentication, or furnish proof
of possession of Aadhaar number or in the case of an individual to whom no
Aadhaar number has been assigned, such individual makes an application for
enrolment.
Article 110(1) of the Constitution specifically states that a Money Bill must
contain only provisions that deal with the matters enumerated therein.
The article reads as follows:
Article 110 :: Definition of
Money Bills.-(1) For the purposes of this
Chapter, a Bill shall be deemed to be a Money Bill if it contains only
provisions dealing with all or any of the following matters, namely:
- The imposition, abolition, remission, alteration or regulation of any
tax;
- The regulation of the borrowing of money or the giving of any guarantee
by the Government of India or the amendment of the law with respect to any
financial obligations undertaken or to be undertaken by the Government of
India;
- The custody of the Consolidated Fund or the Contingency Fund of India,
payments of moneys into or the withdrawal from any such Fund;
- The appropriation of money out of the Consolidated Fund of India;
- The declaring of any expenditure to be expenditure charged on the
Consolidated Fund of India or the increasing of the amount of any such
expenditure;
- The receipt of money on account of the Consolidated Fund of India or the
public account of India or the custody or issue of such monies or the audit
of the accounts of the Union or of a State; or
- Any matter incidental to any of the matters specified in (a) to (f)
above.
Thus on readings of aforesaid stated Section 7 and Art 110 it is clear that sec
7 refers to expenditure which is
incurred from the Consolidated Fund of India
but Article 110(d) covers only expenditure
charged to Consolidated Fund of
India. Significantly, the expenditure on the Aadhaar scheme is not charged to
the Consolidated Fund of India. Article 112(3) enumerates expenditure which is
charged to the Consolidated Fund of India.
It reads as follows:
(3)
The following expenditure shall be expenditure charged on the Consolidated
Fund of India:
- the emoluments and allowances of the President and other expenditure
relating to his office;
- the salaries and allowances of the Chairman and the Deputy
Chairman of the Council of States and the Speaker and the Deputy Speaker of
the House of the People;
- debt charges for which the Government of India is liable including
interest, sinking fund charges and redemption charges, and other expenditure
relating to the raising of loans and the service and redemption of debt;
- (i) the salaries, allowances and pensions payable to or in respect of Judges
of the Supreme Court,
(ii) the pensions payable to or in respect of Judges of the Federal Court,
(iii) the pensions payable to or in respect of Judges of any High Court which
exercises jurisdiction in relation to any area included in the territory of
India or which at any time before the commencement of this Constitution
exercises jurisdiction in relation to any area included in a Governors Province
of the Dominion of India;
- the salary, allowances and pension payable to or in respect of the
Comptroller and Auditor General of India;
- any sums required to satisfy any judgment, decree or award of any court
or arbitral tribunal;
- any other expenditure declared by this Constitution or by Parliament by
law to be so charged.
The other provisions which create such charge are Articles 146(3), 148(6),
273(1), 275(1), 290, 291(1)(a), 293(2) and 322 of the Constitution.
Further it needs to be appreciated that no doubts Aadhaar Bill does make
references to benefits, subsidies and services funded by the Consolidated Fund
of India (CFI) however even a cursory reading of the bill reveals main
objectives of the bill as creating a right to obtain a unique identification
number and providing for a statutory apparatus to regulate the entire process.
The important point to be pondered over is that mere fact of establishing the
Aadhaar number as the identification mechanism for benefits and subsidies funded
by the CFI does not give it the character of a money bill.
The bill merely
speaks of facilitating access to unspecified subsidies and benefits rather than
their creation and provision being the primary object of the legislation. Erskine
May's seminal textbook, Parliamentary Practice is instructive in this respect
and makes it clear that a legislation which simply makes a charge on the
Consolidated Fund does not becomes a money bill if otherwise its character is
not that of one. PDT Achary, former secretary general of the Lok Sabha, has
expressed concern about the use of Money Bills as a means to circumvent the
Rajya Sabha. He has written here and here, on what constitutes a money bill and
how the attempts to pass off financial bills like the Aadhaar Bill as money
bills could erode the supervisory role Rajya Sabha is supposed to play.
This is
especially true in the case of a legislation like the Aadhaar Bill which has far
reaching implications for individual privacy as it governs the identification
system conceptualised to provide a unique and lifelong identity to residents of
India dealing with both the analog and digital machinery of the state and by
virtue of Section 57 of any private entities. Already over 1 billion people have
been enrolled under this identification scheme, and the project has been a
subject of much debate and a petition before the Supreme Court.
The project has
been portrayed as both the last hope for a welfare state and surveillance
infrastructure. Regardless of which of the two ends of spectrum one leans
towards, it is undeniable that the law governing the Aadhaar project deserved a
proper debate in the Parliament. Even those who are strong proponents of the
project must accept the decision to pass it off as a money bill undermines the
importance of democratic processes and is a travesty on the Constitution and a
blatant abrogation of the constitutional duties of the speaker.
Now let us analyse the reasoning given by the majority for upholding the
passing of Aadhar Act as money bill:
- The Aadhaar Bill was a Money Bill as it had a substantial nexus with the
appropriation of funds from the Consolidated Fund of India and was directly
connected with Article 110 of the Constitution (Paragraph 411 of Justice Sikri's
opinion for himself, and Misra & Khanwilkar JJ). Thus, the majority view has
introduced a new concept of substantial nexus with the appropriation of funds
and direct connection; and
- Bhushan J., in a concurring view, held that section 7 would be covered by
clauses (c) and (e) of Article 110 (1). It is further submitted that the
paragraph 411 of the decision of Justice Sikri wrongly states that expenditure
for the Aadhaar scheme is chargeable to the Consolidated Fund of India.
It is submitted that the view of the majority requires reconsideration for
the following reasons:
- The majority introduces a test of substantial nexus with the
appropriation of funds and direct connection :: It needs to be appreciated
that this will enable any future Parliament to introduce any Bill with just
one provision that has a substantial nexus with the appropriation of funds
and direct connection and it would pass muster as a Money Bill.
- The majority has wrongly presumed that expenditure under section 7 is
charged to the Consolidated Fund of India. Article 112(3) of the
Constitution specifically enumerates expenditure that will be charged to the
Consolidated Fund of India. Expenditure on the Aadhaar scheme is incurred from the
Consolidated Fund of India and will not be covered by Articles 110(c) or 110(e).
Consequently, Article 110(g) will also have no application.
- It completely destroys the meaning of the word only, which is a
deliberate restriction on the powers of the Lok Sabha. A Bill need not be sent
to the Rajya Sabha if it is a Money Bill. All other Bills have to go to the
Rajya Sabha for approval. Therefore, any Bill, which has various substantive
provisions, in addition to Clause (a) to (g), cannot passed as a Money Bill.
- The majority view does not consider the legislative history of Article 110
and how it was expressly based on the provisions of section 1(2) of the
Parliament Act, 1911 passed by the United Kingdom.
- In the Constituent Assembly Debates, the proposal to delete the word
only in Article 110 was made by Ghanshyam Singh Gupta. This was specifically
rejected.
- The scholarly book on Parliamentary Practice' by Erskine May specifically
points out that if a Money Bill contains other matters, which are
not subordinate or incidental to the enumerated matters, it would not be a Money
Bill. Accordingly, the Speaker of the House of Commons has rejected 1/3rd of
such Bills. The Aadhaar Bill contained several provisions which were neither
subordinate nor incidental to any of the enumerated matters in Article 110(1).
- Indeed, the Aadhaar did not have the remotest claim to be a Money Bill as
not a single clause of Article 110 applied to any of its provisions, including
section 7.
The Maverick Minority View: In consonance with the spirit of the Constitution
Adopting a rebel attitude in a way; Chandrachud J. held that the Aadhaar
Bill was not a Money Bill. After tracing in detail the historical reasons of
Article 110, the learned Judge emphasized the significance of bicameral
legislation and the importance of the Rajya Sabha as a check against the abuse
of power by Lok Sabha. After discussing the provisions of the Aadhaar Act, the
learned Judge also referred to the legislative history of the Aadhaar Act
itself.
The provision of a unique identity was first contemplated by the
National Identification Authority of India Bill, 2010 which was introduced in
the Rajya Sabha on December 3, 2010. Obviously, this Bill was not a Money Bill.
It also faced several objections by the Standing Committee of the Finance and
this Bill lapsed because of the change in government in 2014. Although the
earlier Bill did not contain a provision that was similar to section 7 of the
present Aadhaar Act, it still would not make the present enactment as a Money
Bill. It is submitted that the minority view of Justice Chandrachud is correct
and is in consonance with the Constitutional scheme.
Judicial Review of Speaker's Certificate
Article 110(3) states that if any question arises as to whether the Bill is a
Money Bill or not, the decision of the Speaker of the Lok Sabha shall be final.
The question that arose was whether Article 110(3) excludes judicial review? In
the cases of Mohd. Saeed Siddiqui v. State of Uttar Pradesh, and Yogendra Kumar
Jaiswal v. State of Bihar, the Supreme Court had held that the certificate
issued by the Speaker was final and not subject to judicial review.
These two
decisions were plainly incorrect and have been rightly overruled in the Puttaswamy decision.
However, there is an additional reason as to why the earlier decisions were
wrong. A Bill can be introduced either in the Rajya Sabha or in the Lok Sabha.
If a Bill is first introduced in the Rajya Sabha, and a question arises as to
whether it is a Money Bill, Article 110(3) makes it clear that this doubt of
question cannot be resolved by the Chairman or Deputy Chairman of the Rajya
Sabha but will have to be referred to the Speaker of the Lok Sabha and his/her
decision on this issue will be final. This is the main reason for finality;
there was never any intention to place the Speaker's certificate beyond judicial
review.
The Finance Act, 2016 and Tribunal Legislation
- In the Finance Act, 2017, Part XIV contains several provisions that have made
large-scale amendments to numerous statutes that have constituted Tribunals.
- These provisions have also been challenged on the ground that they could
not have been introduced in the Finance Bill. Once a Finance Bill contains
provisions for other matters, which are not subordinate or incidental to the
enumerated matters, it would cease to be a Money Bill. This has been the
ground on which two of the three cases of the Supreme Court of Pakistan have
struck down Finance Acts. These provisions of the Finance Act, 2017 will
also be open to challenge because they do not satisfy the substantial nexus
with the appropriation of funds and direct connection test laid down in Puttaswamy.
Conclusion
It is indeed strange that the Bills which were patently unconnected with Article
110(1)/199(1) were earlier not struck down as Money Bills; Mohd. Saeed Siddiqui and Yogendra
Kumar Jaiswal cases are examples of such cases. The Supreme Court did not
examine these Bills from the perspective of Article 110 or the corresponding
Article 199 that applies to Money Bills in the State Legislature. The Puttaswamy case
was virtually a test case of a Bill that could not be categorized as a Money
Bill.It is humbly submitted that the view taken by the majority requires
reconsideration as it now provides a gateway to Parliament and State
Legislatures to circumvent the need for approval by the Rajya Sabha or the
respective legislative Councils by clever drafting.
4. International Scenario Regarding Biometric Identification
Now let us analyse that how Aadhar like biometric and demographic based
identification systems operate across some other parts of the Globe. Without a
doubt Aadhaar is certainly one of its own kind when it comes to its scale as
compared to any other nation across the world, but other countries across the
Globe too have such government identity proofs with their own unique features. Let us analyse and compare.
- Indonesia has national identification system/ cards namely eKTP which
it started since 2006. In brief The Kartu Tanda Penduduk (literally: Resident
Identity Card), commonly KTP, is an Indonesian identity card. Separate versions
of this card exist for Indonesian as well as non-Indonesian residents. The card
is issued upon reaching the age of 17 or upon marriage. In the case of
Indonesian citizens, the card must be renewed every five years.
- Similarly Malaysia has one of the oldest biometric identification
systems in the world called MyKad, which was introduced in 2001.
According to many experts while the Indonesian eKTP is benign and is not
necessarily used as an identity authentication tool, the Malaysian MyKad system
has penetrated into the chip-enabled card being used as the single point of
identification and authentication in places like ATM kiosks, at toll booths on
highways, electronic cash for micropayments and digital certificate as a public
identifier. In fact, the Malaysian MyKad enrollment is apparently compulsory for
citizens and the card must be carried on their person at all times - not doing
so can incur heavy monetary fines and even imprisonment for up to three years,
according to reports. Many opponents of Aadhar are of the view that it's not
difficult to imagine a similar scenario with Aadhaar in India sometime in the
future, where carrying it on your person becomes a legal necessity and having it
as a central authentication tool a way of life - severely sacrificing a
citizen's sense of privacy. But what's even scarier is the thought that you are
not in control of your identity - that there exists a centralized database of
your fingerprints and iris scans that can be used by the government and third
parties without your knowledge - as opposed to all of that residing offline in a
chip enabled card that you have complete control over as to when or when not to
use.
- Is Aadhaar similar to Social Security Number in the USA? In one word -
No
Primarily the Social Security Number (SSN) is a tool to ascertain the income of
any American individual and calculate the amount of social security credit
they're entitled to - based on their individual financial health. The US issues SSNs only to its citizens and doesn't collect any biometric data of the
individuals that are enrolled in the scheme. Aadhaar, on the other hand, is an
identity authentical tool with biometric markers to ascertain an individual's
identity. Thus SSN is a dumb number that's attached to an individual's profile
in a company or US government agency's database whereas Aadhaar is a tool for
authenticating a person's identity.
- Position of Biometric identification in Western Democracies
One obvious question which captures everybody's mind is that if Aadhaar is such
a wonderful technology platform, why are the most technologically advanced
countries not scrambling to adopt it or similar structures for their people?
In
many of the other highly-developed societies in Europe and North America - and
in the view of many computer scientists and policy-makers who study and advocate
for policy in this area - using single number identity systems for everything is
simply not a good idea. In 2010, the United Kingdom abandoned a similar scheme
of a national identity card linked to biometric information. Israel has a smart
card identification system with no fingerprints where data is not stored in any centralised database but stays only on the card. The US has no such nationwide,
all-encompassing program and only two states - California and Colorado have
fingerprint driving license applications.
Biometric information is collected
by most of these countries only for visitors but not for their own citizens.
Connecting bank accounts and voter registration to biometrics is a trend seen
only in China, some countries in Africa, Venezuela, Iraq and the Philippines.
Biometric information is collected by most countries only for visitors but not
for their own citizens. Many policy experts concur that Centralised
government-controlled databases of biometric and genomic data create high levels
of social risk.
Any compromise of such a database is essentially irreversible
for a whole human lifetime: no one can change their genetic data or fingerprints
in response to a leak. Any declaration by a government that its database will
never be compromised is inherently far-fetched. No government can argue that its
flood prevention or public health system will never fail under the pressure of
weather or disease.
The goal of policy is risk management, not perfect
risk-prevention. Many experts strongly believe that In the case of Aadhaar, we
have seen no adoption of traditional security measures well regarded in the
industry to fix exploits, bugs or vulnerabilities. What we have seen is a lot of
shooting the messenger and attractive marketing to hard sell the benefits of
Aadhaar while underplaying privacy and security issues. Misuse of the database
for state surveillance and targeted coercion is also unpreventable.
Anyone
committing her data to such a system is betting for her lifetime that her
government will never become totalitarian or even strongly anti-democratic, lest
she be subjected to forms of oppression she cannot possibly evade. These are not
merely theoretical concerns of Luddites or anti-innovation activists but already
being perfected by countries like China.
The Xinjiang region of China, which has
long been subject to tight controls and surveillance has seen vast collection of
DNA samples, fingerprints, iris scans and blood types of people aged 12 to 65.
This information is then linked to residents' hukou, or household registration
cards.
This system limits people's access to educational institutions, medical and
housing benefits. Combined with facial recognition software, CCTV cameras and a
biometric database, the unprecedented level of control being attained is being
presented as an example of the great technological strides the country is
making. The fact that Aadhaar has expanded beyond its original goals and that
comprehensive surveillance profiles of citizens are already being offered by
companies, confirms the fears about misuse of data for surveillance. At the same
time the risks of catastrophic failure are difficult to manage in a centralised
single-number system and the problems of ordinary operation are non-trivial as
well.
If an ordinary retail transaction is verified by
"secure" authentication
over a single-number system for instance, the seller need only surreptitiously
retain both the number and the confirming biometric data in order to be able to
seamlessly forge future transactions. An inexpensive thumbprint reader meant for
a market vegetable vendor, for example, can be inexpensively modified to
remember all the thumbprints it scans.
Several thousands of instances where
beneficiaries have been denied benefits like pension and food assistance because
of failed authentication are being reported everyday from different parts of
India. To several entrepreneurs eying "
data-based innovation", these are merely
"teething problems" of a system that once matured will reduce all kinds of
identity fraud and weed out corruption. But to several others, it is a matter of
daily survival and deprivation of subsidized food and rations that was the
original intent of this scheme.
For these reasons, European and North American technologists and policy-makers
prefer solutions that treat identity as a probabilistic - based on or adapted to
a theory of probability – quantity. In their decentralized approaches, multiple
data sources and forms of identification are overlapped to get as high a
probability of correct identification as necessary.
This means not relying on
only one form to confirm a person's identity and allowing for different forms to
be used to enable diversification of risk that comes from having one centralised
structure. The court had ruled through interim orders passed earlier that
Aadhaar registration cannot be made generally mandatory, yet it has before it
numerous petitions concerning large numbers of social services for which Aadhaar
registration has been made mandatory. We are all waiting for this powerful court
speaking for the world's largest democracy on issues now coming to the fore in
all societies.
5. Why The Judgement Deserves Applause?
The Aadhar judgment is undoubtedly a significant one with the five-judge bench
delivering a 1,448-page judgment more than seven years after the first legal
challenge was issued against the scheme. The judgment is indeed laudable and
deserves to be applauded for on several fronts. Following the second-longest
hearing in the history of the Indian judiciary, the judgment has saved the Aadhar platform although with multiple cuts and wounds.
The judgment indeed
is special in a way since no doubts Aadhar has survived and has been upheld by
the Court but on a closer note we realize that the position is not that simple. On several instances the Court has not shied away from reprimanding the
government on its patent illegality and unfair conduct, thus making citizens
rights and welfare of the people epicenter of democracy. Let us analyse benefits
derived from the judgment and why the judgment needs to be appreciated:
- End to coercion by the Private Players and Government
One of the definite achievement of the judgment is that it has put a full stop
over the coercion and pressure tactics by the government and various other
private players for linking the Aadhar number with various services. The Court
by clearly laying down what needs to be linked and what not has provided
enormous relief to the common man and ended the daily confusion scenario and
ruckus which was prevailing within the Aadhar and digital identity dynamics.
Lets see what now needs to be linked and what not.
- End To Use By Private Players
The second most significant achievement through judgment is scrapping up of
Section 57 of Aadhaar Act permitting private entities to use Aadhaar data
for verification purposes struck down as unconstitutional. This basically
means that no company or private entity can anymore seek Aadhaar details.
Commercial banks, e-wallets (such as Paytm, Mobikwik, etc.) and payments
bank can no longer insist on Know Your Customer (KYC) verification using
Aadhaar.
The telecom service providers too cannot seek Aadhaar details for
verification purposes. This is significant in the wake of increasing cases
of financial crime, especially due to Aadhaar's expanding tentacles in the
telecom and other cellular and payment related sectors. One such recent
incident was the way Airtel's payment bank routed approximately Rs. 190
crores to its payment bank accounts, wherein some accounts were opened and
force-seeded with Aadhaar without the informed consent of the customers.
There was a lot of speculation about the corporate use of Aadhaar as it was
seen to be opening up doors for data mining, data misuse and profit making.
- Striking down of section 47 of the Act: Recourse open to Courts for
redressal of grievances
Another achievement of the judgment is that Section 47 of the Aadhar Act has
been struck down by the Apex Court which allowed only the Unique
Identification Authority of India to go to court for any offence under the
act. Section 47 of the Act was in violation of the citizens right to seek
remedies. Under Section 47(1), a court can take cognizance of an offence
punishable under the Act only on a complaint made by UIDAI or any officer or
person authorised by it. Thus Section 47 was arbitrary as it failed to
provide a mechanism to individuals to seek efficacious remedies for
violation of their right to privacy. Thus before the verdict citizens were
robbed of their agency. Now, people whose data has been leaked or stolen, or
people who are denied benefits can go to court. Further even those whose
biometric authentication fails can approach the judiciary.
- Opportunity of Hearing :: Restoration of Principles of Natural
Justice
The court has further amended the Section 33(1) of the Act thereby again
upholding the principles of the natural justice. The Court has declared that
if information of Aadhar holder is sought to be released then in such a case
he / she must be given the opportunity of a hearing and further also the
right to challenge any such court order. No doubt India's Apex Court has
time and again held that principles of natural justice are divine and
sacrosanct and cannot be taken away. This judgment again reinforces the
importance of the principles of the natural justice in a way. Further
Section 33(2) has been amended as: Any breach of confidentiality can be done
only on the orders of a very senior government officer (higher than joint
secretary) along with a sitting high court judge. This amendment further
would bring out more transparency and accountability.
- Alternatives to be provided in case Biometric Identification fails
Most importantly the judgment has removed some of the previously implicit
requirements prevalent in the system, stating that no one can be denied
benefits for want of an Aadhaar card. If their biometric authentication fails,
then the government cannot deny them the benefit on account of that. It will
have to provide them an alternative.
- 118 crore beneficiaries win the battle
By holding Section 7 of Aadhaar Act, the Supreme Court has ensured that the
Union government's Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) scheme stays unaffected. The
DBT transfers subsidies directly to the people through their bank accounts. Till
March 2017, Rs 1,82,671.36 crore has been disbursed to 35.7 crore beneficiaries.
Between the FY14, when the DBT scheme was launched by NDA, and FY18, close to Rs
3.7 lakh crore had been transferred to its beneficiaries, through Aadhaar
Payment Bridges (APB).
- Direct transfer eliminates corruption
The judgment of Supreme Court, therefore, while ensuring that the most deserving
and economically deprived don't get hurt, made sure that the transparency in the
government scheme stays. As DBT, with Aadhaar as its key, transfers money
directly to the beneficiary, eliminating middlemen and duplicate beneficiaries,
and hence corruption.
Between the FY14, when the DBT scheme was launched by NDA, and FY18, close to Rs
3.7 lakh crore had been transferred to its beneficiaries.
Aadhaar, due to its unique property, serves as a natural financial address for
sending payments to accounts of beneficiaries through the Aadhaar Payments
Bridge (APB). Justice Sikri, while reading out the judgment stressed on the
uniqueness of Aadhaar and said, An individual can manipulate the system having
multiple PAN cards, passports etc. A person can't have multiple biometric
information and therefore Aadhaar is unique. Aadhaar can't be duplicated. It
is a unique identity verification.
- Option of Judicial Review:
This view was backed by Justice D Y Chandrachaud-the sole dissenting judge—who
called the passage of the Aadhaar Act in Parliament a fraud on the
Constitution, reiterating that Sumitra Mahajan's decision to introduce it as a
money bill be subject to judicial review. While Justice Chandrachaud conceded
that living without Aadhaar was now impossible, the fears of invasion of
privacy, all-pervasive state control and exclusion were issues that the judgment
refused to settle.
The inescapable conclusion is that the court in the Aadhaar judgment, despite
pointing out several of the government's wrongs, has, in the larger principle of
judicial restraint and grace, condoned those wrongs. The least that the
government can do is to be humble and grateful to the court for that close
escape and not indulge in gleeful celebrations of having won some major victory.
It is, perhaps, useful to remind that the Aadhaar Act and the Aadhaar project
were under the lens — not the petitioners. If the question is whether the
project came out unscathed, the answer is an unequivocal no.
6. Analysis of The Loopholes In The Apex Courts Judgement : What The Judgment Failed To Deliver
No doubt the judgment on Aadhar is really a marvel and deserves applause and
commendation on many fronts. However on a deeper analysis many experts are of
viewpoint that the Court has failed to address major concerns surrounding
Aadhar. Rather many experts concur that judgment is flawed in many aspects and
has posed many new questions as well. No doubt Court was right in pointing out
that
we cannot put baby out of the water but one needs to appreciate
that problems of minority too deserve equal attention and importance in
democracy. Let us very humbly examine the major issues on which the judgment
accordingly to many experts is flawed and needs to be revisited.
1. Mandatory Vs. Voluntary Debate And Making An Exit From Aadhar
As we are aware that India had started a unique programme called Aadhaar way
back in 2009.What initially started as a voluntary scheme got legal sanction for
the first time in March 2016, when the Aadhaar (Targeted Delivery of Financial
and Other Subsidies, Benefits and Services) Act 2016 was passed. However,
Aadhaar was still considered to be primarily voluntary in nature. However, after
that, the government started changing its course midway and began to connect
various services to Aadhaar. Aadhaar soon started becoming mandatory. After
this on mandatory and voluntary debate the majority bench of the SC laid clearly
that:
We may record here that (Aadhaar) enrolment is of voluntary nature.
However, it becomes compulsory for those who seeks to receive any subsidy,
benefit or service under the welfare scheme of the government expenditure
whereof is to be met from the Consolidated Fund of India. Further linkage of
PAN and Aadhar has been upheld by the Court.
Thus in view of the aforesaid,
first major loophole arises. On one hand the Court has always maintained that Aadhar or any sort of biometric identification process has to be purely
voluntary. It has to be based upon informed consent but the Court at the same
time took a self contradictory view and made Aadhar PAN linkage mandatory and
valid. Further for receiving LPG subsidy which is mostly taken by all the
residents / citizens the Aadhar no doubt is mandatory.
Thus in a way SC has
indirectly hinted towards / made Aadhar mandatory only. That means only those
who do not get government benefits nor need a PAN card do not need Aadhaar.
Those who enrolled for Aadhaar before the passing of the Aadhaar Act, 2016, can
choose to exit the programme. But it is not clear if someone who got the Aadhaar
number later can do the same or not.
2. Whether The Judgment Ignored Exclusion Drastically?
Aadhaar doesn't work. Supreme Court's judgment cannot change this reality by
denying the facts
Its failure to respect and take into account the affidavits filed by the poor,
the disabled and the elderly describing their hardships is a travesty of
justice.
Second major loophole is problem of exclusion which has been ignored by the
Court. Many analysts are of the opinion that Aadhaar has also become a major
reason for the exclusion of citizens to the basic government provided
amenities. Though such exclusions are in no way targeted or deliberate, but
loopholes in the Aadhaar system often create such scenarios.
How much exclusion is real exclusion?
The Supreme Court's judgment, adhering to
government-furnished numbers has asserted that 97.6% of the population was now
been biometrically verified via Aadhaar, and thus argued that shelving the
Aadhaar project now would lead to neglecting the benefits currently provided to
almost the entire populace. On this basis, an outcome in favour of petitioners
against Aadhaar was therefore untenable.
However, as Reetika Khera writes, the claimed benefits of eliminating corruption
and ensuring welfare access to all do not stand up to scrutiny as
government-touted numbers of apparent savings are in fact legal dues being
denied to the recipients. Focusing on the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural
Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), public distribution systems (PDS) and social
security pensions (SSP), Khera shows that a rushed implementation without
understanding the problems at hand has led to further pain for the
disadvantaged, especially when prevalent systems of welfare disbursement were
showing increasing efficiency.
Less than 5% of MGNREGA work in government records was not confirmed by
respondents. As with the PDS, the decline in wage corruption predates
Aadhaar-integration. This suggests that contrary to government rhetoric, there
are other methods of reducing corruption in these programmes. In MGNREGA, the
dramatic reduction in wage corruption is because of separation of the
implementing agency (like the panchayat) and the payment agency (banks and post
offices).
Even with payments into accounts, wage corruption can continue. It
can take three forms: extortion (forcibly taking wages once labourers have
withdrawn it from their account), collusion (workers allow corrupt functionaries
use their job card and account to inflate work on muster rolls and sharing
embezzled funds with them) and deception (operating the workers' account without
their knowledge).
Denying facts
In June 2015, Laxmi Devi from Rajasthan submitted an affidavit to the Supreme
Court in connection with this case. She explained how she had been denied work
under the rural employment guarantee scheme solely because she did not have
Aadhaar. In October 2015, Ajeet Kumar from Delhi filed an affidavit saying he
had been denied a ration card because his children did not have Aadhaar. The
court received hundreds of such affidavits detailing how people had been denied
entitlements for lack of Aadhaar. But instead of relying on sworn affidavits
from multiple people, the majority judgement relied on a powerpoint presentation
given by the Unique Identification Authority of India, the agency that runs the
Aadhaar project.
A study commissioned by the Andhra Pradesh government and submitted to the apex
court examined why a number of beneficiaries did not take their rations upon the
introduction of point of sale machines. It found the primary reason was the
failure of fingerprint authentication. At least 19 people have reportedly
starved to death after Aadhaar-related problems prevented them from getting
their subsidised rations.
The majority judgement denies these facts placed before it, calling them
unproven, while simultaneously holding that the rights of a minority are
inconsequential compared to the benefits Aadhaar supposedly provides a majority.
The entire aim behind launching this programme is the inclusion' of the
deserving persons who need to get such benefits, the ruling states. When it
is serving much larger purpose by reaching hundreds of millions of deserving
persons, it cannot be crucified on the unproven plea of exclusion of some.
Denying these facts cannot alter the reality that is lived by the elderly person
who cannot walk to a ration shop to put her fingerprints on a machine, or whom
the machine won't recognise. The reality is that Aadhaar does not work.
During the Aadhaar registration process, individuals are required to
authenticate their fingerprints and iris on a machine that determines their
identity. This sole identity gives them access to their entitlements. The
verification process for instance in the case of public distribution system
(PDS) also requires electricity, internet and connectivity for accessing the
centralised database, in addition to the fact that biometric details of an
individual should match during availing of services.
In case the fingerprints
fail to match at the time of availing of facilities like ration, a person may be
denied the same. Absolute faith on the biometric system is based on a misplaced
assumption that human body parts do not age. Testing by International Biometric
Group highlights that over time, many biometric systems are prone to incorrectly
rejecting a substantial percentage of users. Verifying a user immediately after
enrolment is not highly challenging to biometric systems. However, after six
weeks, testing shows that some systems' error rates increase ten-fold.
Similarly, it is mandatory to link Aadhaar number to the registry number in the
public distribution database, otherwise amenities provided by the government
stands cancelled. Many such incidents where individuals were denied welfare or
pension services have come to limelight, especially people suffering from
leprosy, engaged in manual labour and those who are genetically predisposed to
not having fingerprints. There were reports that alternate means of
identification are being done to accommodate the ones who lack proper
biometrics.
Like facial recognitions or iris scanners. However, it is still not
clear how such alternatives are being operationalised. For instance, leprosy
patients are now being exempted from linking Aadhaar card. But then question
arises, can all verification facilities vouch to have in place the required
technical infrastructure that allows other means of verification? If yes, then
what are they? Even if it is a process of offline verification, same has not
been clearly laid down.
Another issue that came to the forefront was that of ghost or fake ration cards.
Many a time the link between Aadhaar number and the ration card could not be
validated. In such scenarios, the individual was denied basic amenities.
Government claimed successfully tracing fake ration cards but many a time there
were genuine cases of exclusion passed off as savings due to Aadhaar. This has
also led to cases of death due to starvation. Corrective measures in this
regard are yet to take course.
When talking about corruption the quantity fraud
is not being factored in. Quantity fraud translates that a person may be forced
to sign on something that he/she might not have received of the same quantity
that the person is entitled to. However, one cannot also ignore the fact that in
many places Aadhaar has actually replaced the middlemen.
3. What Will Happen To Data Already Collected By Banks /Telcos/Fintec Companies And Other Private Entities?
Another major loophole in the judgment is that though while the majority
judgment says authentication records are not to be kept for more than six
months, compared with five years earlier, it does not talk about what is to be
done with data already collected.
However, Chandrachud said,
"The biometric
information and Aadhaar details collected by Telecom Service Providers shall be
deleted forthwith and no use of the said information or details shall be made by
TSPs or any agency or person or their behalf."
Further the apex court, in its judgement, did not address how this massive exercise should be carried out.
Neither did it name any agency responsible to ensure this process of
invalidation, which, by all accounts, will be a very complex task given the
widespread use of Aadhaar identification. As for the government, it is yet to
crystalise a solution to the problem.
4. No Clarity On Voluntary Right To Use Aadhar?
What about the people who have Only Aadhar as their proof of identity. It is
not quite clear at this point if a telco or a bank can accept the 12-digit
Aadhaar number for authentication when a customer chooses that as her
identification. Some believe one reason why the judgment did not explicitly talk
about that could be that it would have provided companies a loophole to seek
Aadhaar data on the pretext of speeding up their service. However the judgment
has left this question unclear which has now been used by the NDA govt to back
the aadhar amendment bill for voluntary usage of Aadhar.
5. No Efficeient Grievance Redressal System
Another major loophole in the judgment is that Court failed to appreciate that
under the Aadhaar architecture, UIDAI is the only authority which carries out
all the functions, be it administrative, adjudicatory, investigative, or
monitoring of the project. While the Act confers such major functions on UIDAI,
it does not place any institutional accountability upon UIDAI to protect the
database of citizens' personal information.
The Act is silent on the liability
of UIDAI and its personnel in case of non-compliance of the provisions of the
Act or the regulations made under it. Under Section 23(2)(s) of the Act, UIDAI
is required to establish a grievance redressal mechanism. Making the authority
administering a project, also responsible for providing for the framework to
address grievances arising from the project, severely compromises the
independence of the grievance redressal body.
Section 47 of the Act violates the
right to seek remedy. Under Section 47(1), a court can take cognizance of an
offence punishable under the Act only on a complaint made by UIDAI or any
officer or person authorised by it. There is no grievance redressal mechanism if
any breach or offence is committed by UIDAI itself. The law must specify who is
to be held accountable. The Act lacks a mechanism through which any individual
can seek speedy redressal for his/her data leakage and identity theft.
Compensation must be provided for any loss of data of an individual.A stringent
and independent redressal mechanism and options for compensation must be
incorporated in the law. Section 47 is arbitrary as it fails to provide a
mechanism to individuals to seek efficacious remedies for violation of their
right to privacy. Whether it is against UIDAI or a private entity, it is
critical that the individual retains the right to seek compensation and justice.
This would require a carefully designed structure.
6. How Safe My Aadhar Data Is : How Far Security And Privacy Issues Looked In Detail By Courts?
Aadhaar data
For Aadhaar, data collection by unknown and unaccountable entities began well
over a year before the UIDAI was even formally set up.
Another major flaw arises in view of the fact that Court failed to appreciate
the technical issues put forth before it regarding safety and security of the
data handled by the UIDAI. The court merely was satisfied by the presentation
shown to it by the UIDAI itself and ignored views of the several other experts.Many experts are of viewpoint that, much of the actual damage to the data
collected by the UIDAI has already been done. And the damage is of the kind and
magnitude that can't be undone by any court order.
The Unique Identification
Authority of India (UIDAI), the authority established on July 21, 2016 by the
Government of India, under the Ministry of Electronics and Information
Technology, has already collected the biometric records of 1.171 billion
Indians. And the UIDAI has been notoriously opaque about how and where the data
has been stored and has refused to provide any means of publicly auditing the
security of that data. Even in 2015, concerned with violation of privacy and
civil liberties, the Supreme Court had warned the government that citizen's
biometric data must not be handed over to anyone presumably meaning any
non-government agency.
But technically, this amounted to nothing since the Aadhaar project was, from the very beginning, a project led and implemented by
private parties. The project's chief evangelist was Indian IT
czar-turned-lawmaker, Nandan Nilekani. And under his aegis, the UIDAI outsourced
the data collection job to innumerable private parties spawning a swarm of
countless agencies and sub-agencies. There were no audits, no capability or
background check or any other form of standardised vendor approval process.
The
harvesting of fingerprints and iris scans was an ad-hoc process carried out by
innumerable small software customisation firms, resellers, labour-contracting
agencies and even cyber cafes and photocopy shops. Sub-agents were allotted
small clusters of homes and they set out with print scanners, laptops and
cyclostyle forms, collecting biometric data from anyone willing to walk up and
give it.
All this data traversed multiple layers of storage- from end-point to
the central data warehouse- and all of it was done without any
encryption. During the entire process, there were no clear statements from the
government about where the data was going or to what end it would be used and
the initial collection was fuelled by rumours and panic. In fact, data
collection by unknown and unaccountable entities began well over a year before
the UIDAI was even formally set up.
The servers could well be outside of India's
borders and, thereby, outside the jurisdiction of Indian courts. Besides, there
are no publicly available audits or records of how many times and by whom the
data has been accessed or how many times it has been replicated.
The recent Wikileaks report that speaks of the CIA, DHS and other American agencies
accessing Indians' biometric data, lends credence to the possibility of the data
having been replicated offshore.
Further with a detailed ecosystem developing around Aadhaar, cybersecurity has
become the biggest casualty. Each passing week draws attention to tremendous
loopholes concerning cybersecurity in the Aadhaar ecosystem. In the past one
year, we have seen numerous FIRs being filed by the Unique Identification
Authority of India (UIDAI) concerning breaches in the Aadhaar ecosystem.
However, the recent case reported by The Tribune of significant leakage of
sensitive Aadhaar data is far more dangerous in its ramifications. This is the
first time that we have seen massive leakage of Aadhaar numbers in such a huge
magnitude.
This has itself cast a big shadow on the security procedures in the Aadhaar ecosystem.Today, with massive breaches of cybersecurity emerging, it is
extremely clear that the Aadhaar ecosystem is not at all safe. More and more
cybersecurity breaches are now being disclosed with each passing day. There is
no denying the fact that Aadhaar is no normal information, but it is personally
identifiable data, as well as being sensitive personal data. In fact, the
Aadhaar ecosystem can be classified as India's critical information infrastructure.
Any breach of the Aadhaar data is not a normal breach but
constitutes a breach into India's critical information infrastructure, which has
the potential of prejudicially impacting the sovereignty, security and integrity
of the nation, apart from impacting the confidence and trust of a huge chunk of
its citizens in a detrimental manner. Further, as per the Supreme Court's
landmark judgment in the case of
Justice Puttaswami vs Union of India, the right
to privacy is now an integral part of our fundamental right to life under
Article 21 of the Constitution. In such a scenario, any breach of information on
the Aadhaar ecosystem will prejudicially impact not just the privacy of an
individual, but it will also have a bearing upon the citizen's enjoyment of
other fundamental rights.
7. Uncertainity Over Newly Launced Masked Aadhar / Virtual Aadhar Id's
Another aspect that has not been clearly brought out is the credibility of
alternate procedures of verification. What if they are more cumbersome for
people who do not have an Aadhaar card? Convenience over security would
definitely be a dilemma.
However, government has started taking stringent
measures to ensure security. For instance, masking Aadhaar number while
authenticating for a third party. This is done by generating Aadhaar Virtual
ID, a 16-digit random number, which is mapped to a person's real Aadhaar number
and can be used whenever authentication or KYC services are performed. It
remains to be seen how many people would actually adopt the Virtual ID or
understand its significance.
8. Risks of Survelliance / Coorelation Across Domains
Upholding the passage of the Aadhaar Act as a Money Bill, the Supreme Court said
neither were individuals profiled nor their movements traced when Aadhaar was
used to avail government benefits under Section 7 of the Aadhaar Act of 2016.
The statute only sought
minimal biometric information, and this did not amount
to invasion of privacy. Countering the argument that the Aadhaar regime would
facilitate the birth of a
surveillance state, Justice Sikri wrote that Aadhaar
exhibited no such tendencies. Authentication transactions through Aadhaar did
not ask for the purpose, nature or location of the transaction. Besides,
information was collected in silos and their merging was prohibited.
The
authentication process was not expanded to the Internet. The collection of
personal data and its authentication was done through registered devices. The
Authority did not get any information related to the IP address or the GPS
location from where authentication was performed.
The Aadhaar structure makes it very difficult to create the profile of a
person, Justice Sikri
reasoned. However as we have seen the Supreme Court quashed or read down
several provisions in the Aadhaar Act in order to de-fang any possibility of the
state misusing data.
For one, the court held that authentication records should
not be retained for more than six months. It declared the archiving of records
for five years as bad in law. It also prohibited the creation of a metabase
for transactions.
But does just by doing aforesaid risks of surveillance / profiling of
individuals would come to an end? Increasingly, with Aadhaar, the authority
can mean not just government agencies but also private entities-- for instance,
Microsoft recently launched a version of Skype for India with Aadhaar
authentication embedded within. Earlier, last year, and even now, Reliance Jio
subscriptions required Aadhaar authentication of customers: that's right,
Reliance was pulling in Aadhaar data to confirm whether the fingerprints of a
person waiting in line for the Jio SIM card matched with his or her Aadhaar card
or not.
The US SSN was strictly meant for use by government agencies, but its
abuse by the private sector has been identified as a crucial link for the rising
number of identity thefts in America. Ultimately, there are federal and
state-level laws in the US that restrict the use of SSN across different
government databases as a marker to identify a person's identity. Aadhaar, on
the other hand, has been spearheaded by the government as a token across
databases to identify someone within the country, to the extent where they leave
a trail of transactions - in the bank, while booking an airline ticket, train
ticket, buying a SIM card, and more.
Lastly, where the US firmly decided against
encapsulating its citizens' biometric profile to the Social Security Number
cards back in 2007, Aadhaar's use and proliferation is only going to increase in
the days and months to come, as the government is pushing hard for its adoption
across different central and private database systems.
Correlation of identities across domains: It may become possible to track an
individual's activities across multiple domains of service (AUAs) using their
global Aadhaar IDs which are valid across these domains. This would lead to
identification without consent.
Illegal tracking of individuals: Individuals may be tracked or put under
surveillance without proper authorisation or legal sanction using the
authentication and identification records and trails in the Aadhaar database, or
in one or more AUA's databases. Such records will typically also contain
information on the precise location, time, and context of the authentication or
identification and the services availed.
Identification without consent using Aadhaar data: There may be unauthorised use
of biometrics to illegally identify people. Such violations may include
identifying people by inappropriate matching of fingerprint or iris scans or
facial photographs stored in the Aadhaar database, or using the demographic data
to identify people without their consent and beyond legal provisions.
7. Architecture Under Weave: Attempt To Assuage And Soothen
Aftermath the SC verdict many industries have been impacted and a lot of changes
have undergone in Aadhar sphere. Rather we can say changes are still
undergoing and will shortly become a reality with passing of the Aadhar
amendment bill by Rajya Sabha recently.The impact was palpable since Aadhar no
doubt was single digital identity available with Indians. Let us analyse the
impact and changes.
1. Impact on Fintech Companies
While affirming the constitutional validity of Aadhaar, the Apex court had said
Aadhaar can only be used for welfare schemes and for delivering state subsidies.
It had barred private companies from using Aadhaar data for authenticating
customers. Fintech players, especially online lenders in the personal and
consumer loans segment, are facing the pinch and increase in their operational
costs in business following the Supreme Court order that prevents private
companies from seeking Aadhaar data for e-KYC and e-signatures.
Following the
apex court's order, the National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI), an
umbrella organisation for all retail payments in the country, has suspended both
e-KYC (know your customer) and e-signature-based National Automated Clearing
House (NACH) for enterprises to collect recurring payments from customers
digitally.
Under the e-NACH system, a customer was able to authenticate a
payment process with a one-time password (OTP), making it cost-effective for
companies and easy for consumers as it did not require any paper work. Players
in the lending space feel that while business loans will not get hit in the
short term, those that provide small loans to consumers will now have to do a
re-think of their business model. Industry experts are also of the view that
while bigger players will be able to sustain a hit on their profitability, many
small players are likely to shut shop or get acquired.
Rohit Lohia, founder of
online lender Cointribe, told Business Line:
Consumer/personal loans will see
lot of stress as these kind of loans are needed on an urgent basis. So, if the
players can't process the loans urgently, consumers will opt out of the
platform. Besides, these are very small-ticket loans, and with paper-based
verification and clearance, the business becomes very unviable as costs will
increase drastically.
According to an industry expert who spoke on condition of
anonymity, the move will force private sector companies to move from an online
authentication model to an offline one, which would be both expensive and time
consuming than the former model.
It could increase the cost of authentication
from Rs15 per person, which is the current cost of e-KYC verification, to ₹100
per person for a physical KYC, the person added. In the offline model of
authentication, telecom companies have to collect paper forms with signature,
photographs, ship to verification centre and call up the customer to
cross-verify submitted details, which ideally takes around 24-36 hours to verify
a customer.
In order to ensure smooth discontinuation...there are certain
requirements which are there under the Aadhaar regulations...so the companies
are in the best position to know what exactly is needed and they can submit
their plan by 15 October.
If any additional requirements are to be done from the UIDAI's side, we will tell them after receipt of their plan, UIDAI chief
executive officer Ajay Bhushan Pandey told PTI. Other than telecom operators,
fintech companies selling loans, mutual funds and insurance, digital payments
companies and payment banks have been severely impacted with the apex court's judgement last week.
2. Impact on Telecom Sector
Linking of mobile connections with Aadhaar had been made mandatory by a circular
dated March 23, 2017, by the Department of Telecommunications. This requirement
was not only in respect of those individuals who would be becoming mobile
subscribers, but applied to existing subscribers as well. The Court held that
circular lacks the backing of a law and also fails to meet the requirement of
proportionality.
The Court thus held the Circular mandating the linking of Aadhaar with mobile connections to be unconstitutional. On one hand, this will
make it easier for mobile users to secure new connections as also to continue
using the existing connections. This move is likely to attract new customers and
retain the existing ones. However, on the other hand, the physical
authentication process may be time-consuming and may affect the volume of new
connections.
3. Impact on Startups
Striking down parts of Section 57 of the Aadhaar Act imply that private
companies would not be able to ask for Aadhaar authentication. The judgment will
have a huge impact on startups that depend on the efficiency and speed of online
transactions. The delayed and cumbersome process of authentication might
discourage users to avail such services.
It remains to be seen as to how the Aadhaar Act will be amended to address these
practical problems keeping the spirit of the judgment intact. If the Parliament
decides to come up with a new legislation to overcome certain parts of the
judgment, such move is likely to be hotly contested. Even if enacted, the law
will be subject to judicial scrutiny.
4. Impact on Banks
The Indian Banks Association (IBA), the industry body representing banks and
financial institutions, has written to the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) seeking
revised KYC (know your customer) guidelines following the recent Supreme Court
verdict on Aadhaar. The banks are worried about the impact on business due to
the lack of clarity following the ruling. In a letter dated October 10, seen by
BusinessLine, the IBA said the Supreme Court order has far-reaching implications
for the industry and for banking operations.
For example, the IBA's letter
pointed out, Rule 9 of the Prevention of Money Laundering Rules mandates linking
of Aadhaar number with bank accounts, has been struck down, but the RBI's 2013
circular mentions Aadhaar among the list of documents acceptable as proof of
identity.
One other concern for the IBA relates to the direct benefit transfer (DBT)
scheme. It said that deleting Aadhaar from the database will impact DBT, and
that proper guidelines should be issued in consultation with the National
Payments Corporation of India, the nodal agency for all payment networks. If
the customer specifically requests for deletion of Aadhar, it is proposed that
the Bank will delink the Aadhar from the customer's profile...consequently
disbursal of benefits by the government agencies under DBT scheme into
designated bank accounts may be impacted, the letter stated.
The IBA said there is a need for the RBI to clarify the status and that the
earlier law should prevail. Doing away with the Aadhaar requirement may have a
significant impact on the Government's financial inclusion and digital
initiatives such as BHIM, Aadhaar-enabled Payment System and e-KYC based
products, among others, which are primarily based on Aadhaar-enabled platforms,
the association said. Banks may be allowed to continue these services till
revised guidelines are announced, the IBA said.
5. Masked Aadhar Card: Privacy proof version of the card
Having faced flak over privacy issues, the Unique Identification Authority of
India (UIDAI) has been exploring ways to further strengthen its systems. A step
in this direction is masked Aadhaar' ID. Masked Aadhaar is an offline
verification system that can be used by the holder without revealing his/her
12-digit number or giving biometric details for services. It can be dowloaded
from UIDAI website and has only your name, address, photo and virtual ID.
Privacy-proof version
The masked Aadhaar is available to 122 crore people as it can be downloaded by
the Aadhaar holder from our website or at any Aadhaar centre. This is
privacy-proof, digitally signed and cannot be manipulated, Ajay Bhushan Pandey,
Chief Executive Officer, UIDAI said.
You have option to use masked Aadhaar in place of any other ID. Also, for
people who do not want to share date of birth, there is the option to mask even
that, he added.
For instance, it can be used as identification at airports and on trains for
ticket verification, linking mobile number or tourist places in India where you
are asked to show proof at times. In case an agency refuses to accept the masked
ID, Pandey said, UIDAI is the issuer of the masked Aadhaar ID and we are saying
that one should have no problem in accepting it. If some agency doesn't accept
it, then people can raise questions.
6. Offline eKYC routes
Aadhaar, unlike other identity documents, can be trusted only if it is validated
online. It is easy to create a document that looks like Aadhaar with different
numbers. Only with online verification of the Aadhaar number on the UIDAI
website can you ensure that the card is genuine. Aadhaar was conceived to make
online digital verification of identity possible; but no longer serves this
purpose except for availing Govt. benefits, after the Supreme Court verdict. In
addition, UIDAI received a lot of feedback about people being denied their basic
rights due to Aadhaar authentication failure due to various factors including
network connectivity and authentication failure.
Initially, UIDAI tried to solve
this problem by mandating exception handling mechanisms by service providers,
which was not fruitful. UIDAI, then produced a workaround to this problem in the
form of an offline verification mechanism - digitally signing the contents of
Aadhaar card / password protected XML file. Any person seeking to verify the
authenticity of a card/file can scan it using software that verifies the digital
signature. (The Aadhaar card is sometimes referred to as the Aadhaar letter,
because it is delivered to the individual as a postal letter with a tear-away
card portion.)
Offline usage of Aadhaar can be accomplished by two means:
- Via the QR code on Aadhaar card & E-Aadhaar PDF
- By downloading Offline Aadhaar file (a password protected ZIP file
containing an XML file) from UIDAI's website
After Section 57 was struck down by the Supreme Court, UIDAI has been
extensively promoting the first approach using the QR code on the Aadhaar card,
while the coverage for second solution is limited, possibly because of the
difficulty in use.
We have given the date as October 15 for exit plan under Aadhaar Regulations,
by when (we believe) they would have brought in alternative systems of KYC
services and comply with the orders of the court so that they are not in
contempt, Ajay Bhushan Pandey, Chief Executive Officer, UIDAI told
BusinessLine.
Pandey explained, Now the court has clarified service providers cannot do
biometric authentication without mandate of law. And this is why we are saying
now there are options without Aadhaar Authentication like E-Aadhaar, QR code and
masked Aadhaar card for offline verification which happens without hitting the
UIDAI server.
People should have a choice. They can give some other valid KYC document such
as Voter ID and replace their Aadhaar eKYC. If you unilaterally delete
someone's Aadhaar eKYC data without replacing it with other valid KYC, the phone
and bank account may get deactivated because these services require some KYC,
Pandey pointed out.
After telecom, the UIDAI is also studying other sectors and will ensure
compliance with the Court order at UIDAI's end for smooth transition as early as
possible. Other sector regulators too need to implement the court's order
without disrupting services to the people, Pandey said.
Conclusion
In conclusion it can certainly be said that indeed Aadhar is a digital identity
riddled with several predicaments and perils and it certainly has a long way
to go before becoming effective digital identity. The Government soon will have
to find a viable and effective solution to Aadhar for protecting the welfare of
the general public.
No doubt Aadhar case was one of the first constitutional
cases where the Supreme Court of India was called upon to examine the
interaction of law, technology and welfare with the poor and marginalised.
However it is regretful that Court's failed to understand, respect and take
into account the hundreds of affidavits submitted by the poor, the disabled and
the elderly describing the hardships they face because of Aadhaar and thus this
in a way constitutes is a travesty of justice.
Nevertheless Aadhar has given
Indians their digital identity which is laudable. Further it needs to be
appreciated that Biometrics via Aadhaar is an untested territory. Biometrics as
a foundation for Aadhaar, without addressing the security concerns raised by
people, paves the way for more doubts and fear. Securing identity systems is
particularly challenging as the number of data breaches across the world are on
the rise.
Identity data in the modern world and particularly as governments come
to require it so much more often, becomes the key to perpetrate fraud and
undertake surveillance. Adequate norms thus need to be laid down from collection
to retention of biometric data, in addition to formulating strong data
protection and privacy laws.
In the last it can be said that Aadhaar could become a one stop solution if
implemented in a more accommodative manner. One understands that longterm
benefits of Aadhaar actually outweighs many concerns. However, the government
needs to work towards plugging the loopholes and taking prompt action in
addressing the genuine concerns and grievances of the people.
References:
- Gopal Krishna , Defying Fundamental Rights with Impunity, Economic and
Political Weekly, Vol. 52, Issue No. 12, 25 Mar, 2017, available
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Written By: Deeksha Chaudhary, Assistant Manager (Law) , Indian Oil
Corporation Ltd.
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