Supreme Court in a landmark judgment struck down section 66A of the Information
Technology Act, 2000 which provided provisions for the arrest of those who
posted allegedly offensive content on the internet upholding freedom of
expression. Section 66A defines the punishment for sending offensive messages
through a computer or any other communication device like a mobile phone or
tablet and a conviction of it can fetch a maximum three years of jail and a
fine.
Over the last couple of years there has been many cases in which police has
arrested the broadcasting of any information through a computer resource or a
communication device, which was grossly offensive or menacing in
character, or which, among other things as much as cause annoyance, inconvenience, or
obstruction. In a judgment authored by Justice R.F.Nariman, on behalf of a
bench comprising himself and Justice J. Chelameswar, the Court has now declared
that Section 66A is not only vague and arbitrary, but that it also disproportionately invades the right of free speech.
In quashing Section 66A, in Shreya Singhal, the Supreme Court has not only given
afresh lease of life to free speech in India, but has also performed its role as
a constitutional court for Indians. The Court has provided the jurisprudence of
free speech with an enhanced and rare clarity. Various provisions of IPC and
Sections 66B and 67C of the IT Act are good enough to deal with all these crimes
and it is incorrect to say that Section 66A has given rise to new forms of
crimes.
The landmark case of Shreya Singhal v Union of India (2015) is a landmark case
that plays a very important role in the Indian legal system. The case revolves
around the fundamental right of freedom of speech and expression under Article
19(1)(a) of the Constitution of India, which challenged the constitutional
validity of section 66A and led to the struck down of section 66A of the
Information Technology Act 2000 Section 66A is the punishment for sending
offensive messages through communication services, etc
It says that- Any person who sends, by means of a computer resource or a
communication device:
- any information that is grossly offensive or has menacing character; or
- any information which he knows to be false, but for the purpose of
causing annoyance, inconvenience, danger, obstruction, insult, injury,
criminal intimidation, enmity, hatred or ill will, persistently by making
use of such computer resource or a communication device,
- any electronic mail or electronic mail message for the purpose of
causing annoyance or inconvenience or to deceive or to mislead the addressee
or recipient about the origin of such messages.
Shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term which may extend to three years
and with fine.
For the purpose of this section, terms electronic mail and electronic
mail message means a message or information created or transmitted or
received on a computer, computer system, computer resource or communication
device including attachments in text, images, audio, video and any other
electronic record, which may be transmitted with the message.
Brief facts of the case
Two girls-Shaheen Dhada and Rinu Srinivasan, were arrested by the Mumbai police
in 2012 for expressing their displeasure at a bandh called in the wake of Shiv
Sena chief Bal Thackery’s death. The women posted their comments on the Facebook.
The arrested women were released later on and it was decided to close the
criminal cases against them yet the arrests attracted widespread public protest.
It was felt that the police has misused its power by invoking Section 66A inter
alia contending that it violates the freedom of speech and expression.
Judgement
In a 52-page judgement, which extensively discussed Indian, English and US
jurisprudence on free speech, the Supreme Court struck down Section 66-A of the
Information Technology Act, read down Section 79 of the Information Technology
Act and the related rules, and affirmed the constitutionality of Section 69A of
the Act.[citation needed]
Speaking for the Court, Justice Nariman discussed the various standards which
are applicable to adjudge when restrictions on speech can be deemed reasonable,
under Article 19(2) of the Indian Constitution. The Court held that Section 66-A
was vague and over-broad, and therefore fell foul of Article 19(1)(a), since the
statute was not narrowly tailored to specific instances of speech which it
sought to curb.
Importantly, the Court also considered the chilling effect on speech
caused by vague and over-broad statutory language as a rationale for striking
down the provision. Further, the Court held that the public order
restriction under Article 19(2) of the Constitution would not apply to cases of
'advocacy', but only to 'incitement', specifically incitement which has a
proximate relation to public disorder. [citation needed]
Of the challenge on the grounds under Article 14 of the Constitution of India,
the Court held that:
we are unable to agree with counsel for the petitioners
that there is no intelligible differentia between the medium of print, broadcast
and real live speech as opposed to speech on the internet. The intelligible
differentia is clear – the internet gives any individual a platform which
requires very little or no payment through which to air his views.
The Supreme Court further read down Section 79 and Rule 3(4) of the
Intermediaries Guidelines, under the Act, which deals with the liability of
intermediaries, mostly those which host content and provide online services.
Whereas the Section itself uses the term
receiving actual knowledge, of
the illegal material as the standard at which the intermediary is liable for
removing content, the Court held that it must be read to mean knowledge received
that a Court order has been passed asking it to take down the infringing
material. [citation needed]
Finally, the Court also upheld the secret blocking process under Section 69A of
the Act, by which the Government can choose to take down content from the
Internet, holding that it did not suffer from the infirmities in Section 66A or
Section 79, and is a narrowly drawn provision with adequate safeguards
Cases referred and law point
The Supreme Court agreed with the petitioners that none of the grounds contained
in Section 19(2) were capable of being invoked as legitimate defences to the
validity of Section 66A of the IT Act. Any law seeking to impose a restriction
on the freedom of speech can only pass muster, wrote Justice Nariman, if it is
proximately related to any of the eight subject matters set out in Article19(2).
In
Sakal Papers (P) Ltd. & Ors. v. Union of India, [1962] 3 S.C.R. this
court said-
It may well be within the power of the State to place, in the interest of the
general public, restrictions upon the right of a citizen to carry on business
but it is not open to the State to achieve this object by directly and
immediately curtailing any other freedom of that citizen guaranteed by the
Constitution and which is not susceptible of abridgment on the same grounds as
are set out in clause (6) of Article 19.
Therefore, the right of freedom of speech cannot be taken away with the object
of placing restrictions on the business activities of a citizen. Freedom of
speech can be restricted only in the interests of the security of the State,
friendly relations with foreign State, public order, decency or morality or in
relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence. It
cannot, like the freedom to carry on business, be curtailed in the interest of
the general public. If a law directly affecting it is challenged, it is no
answer that the restrictions enacted by it are justifiable under clauses (3) to
(6).
For, the scheme of Article 19is to enumerate different freedoms separately and
then to specify the extent of restrictions to which they may be subjected and
the objects for securing which this could be done. A citizen is entitled to
enjoy each and every one of the freedoms together and clause (1) does not prefer
one freedom to another. That is the plain meaning of this clause. It follows
from this that the State cannot make a law, which directly restricts one freedom
even for securing the better enjoyment of another freedom. All the greater
reason, therefore for holding that the State cannot directly restrict one
freedom by placing an otherwise permissible restriction on another freedom.
In a separate concurring judgment Beg, J. said, in
Bennett Coleman & Co. &
Ors. v. Union of India & Ors., [1973] 2 S.C.R. 757 at 829, that the freedom
of speech and of the press is the Ark of the Covenant of Democracy because
public criticism is essential to the working of its institutions.
Equally, in
S. Khushboo v. Kanniamal & Anr., (2010) 5 SCC 600 this Court
stated, in paragraph 45 that the importance of freedom of speech and expression
though not absolute was necessary as we need to tolerate unpopular views. This
right requires the free flow of opinions and ideas essential to sustain the
collective life of the citizenry. While an informed citizenry is a pre-condition
for meaningful governance, the culture of open dialogue is generally of great
societal importance.
Apart from this, if we look closely at section 66A, we can find 2 flaws in it.
The first is that the definition is an inclusive one. Second, the definition
does not refer to what the content of information can be. In fact, it refers
only to the medium through which such information is disseminated. It is clear,
therefore, that the petitioners are correct in saying that the public's right to
know is directly affected by Section 66A.
Information of all kinds is roped in - such information may have scientific,
literary or artistic value, it may refer to current events, it may be obscene or
seditious. That such information may cause annoyance or inconvenience to some is
how the offence is made out. It is clear that the right of the people to know -
the market place of ideas - which the Internet provides to persons of all kinds
is what attracts Section 66A.
That the information sent has to be annoying, inconvenient, grossly offensive
etc., also shows that no distinction is made between mere discussion or advocacy
of a particular point of view which may be annoying or inconvenient or grossly
offensive to some and incitement by which such words lead to an imminent causal
connection with public disorder, security of State etc.
The petitioners are right in saying that Section 66A in creating an offence
against persons who use the internet and annoy or cause inconvenience to others
very clearly affects the freedom of speech and expression of the citizenry of
India at large in that such speech or expression is directly curbed by the
creation of the offence contained in Section 66A.
My Commentary and Analysis
The verdict in Shreya Singhal is immensely important in the Supreme Court’s
history for many reasons. In a rare instance, Supreme Court has adopted the
extreme step of declaring a censorship law passed by Parliament as altogether
illegitimate. The Judgment has increased the scope of the right available to us
to express ourselves freely, and the limited space given to the state in
restraining this freedom in only the most exceptional of circumstances.
Justice Nariman has highlighted, the liberty of thought and expression is not
merely an aspirational ideal. It is also
a cardinal value that is of
paramount significance under our constitutional scheme.
The Supreme Court agreed with the petitioners that none of the grounds contained
in Section 19(2) were capable of being invoked as legitimate defences to the
validity of Section 66A of the IT Act.
Any law seeking to impose a
restriction on the freedom of speech can only pass muster, wrote Justice
Nariman,
if it is proximately related to any of the eight subject matters set
out in Article19(2).
There were two tests that were put to the Section 66A- clear and present danger
and the probability of inciting hatred. Section 66A has failed those tests
because the posts that people were jailed for did not incite public hatred or
disrupted law and order.
I believe that the term offensive in section 66A of the IT Act is very vague.
What might be offensive to someone may not be offensive to someone else. Also,
it was not an offensive comment or statement, it was a statement questioning the
rationality of the Mumbai shut down. Should death of a person irrespective of
the importance or stature of the person lead to a complete shut down of the
commercial capital of our country? This reasoning does not make sense to me. I
believe that the police acted in haste and did not have any grounds for the
arrest of the girl. The police acted in haste may be because political parties
were involved.
Time and again there is contradiction between freedom of speech and statements
that can cause ill will, enmity, menace, etc. More often than not police in our
country psychologically gets influenced to sensitivity of political dynamics and
the fallout of violence thereafter rather than taking an unbiased right legal
decision. This happens because police is controlled and answerable to their
political bosses instead of law of the land and judiciary. I believe that the
police tried to protect a political fallout rather than doing what is morally
and legally right.
Well freedom of speech cannot be absolute but the circumstances or situations
where it is not absolute should be practical and rational. One such circumstance
is defamation and it’s completely logical in that sense.
Various judgments of this Court have referred to the importance of freedom of
speech and expression both from the point of view of the liberty of the
individual and from the point of view of our democratic form of government. For
example, in the early case of Romesh Thappar v. State of Madras, [1950] S.C.R.
594 at 602, this Court stated that freedom of speech lay at the foundation of
all democratic organization.
Conclusion
More often than not the section 66A of Information Technology Act 2000 has been
misinterpreted and misused. In any democratic country, freedom of speech and
expression has an important role in the legal system. Our country should not be
another example like North Korea where the citizens of their country are scared
to speak up and share their views and opinions. I completely agree that
defamation and sedition are 2 examples of exceptions to freedom of speech and
expression and it is totally logically.
In the most recent case of Kanhaiya Kumar the words spoken were such that it
could lead to menace and public disorder and these words were spoken out loud
but in the given case the girl had no intention to commit any of the given
misconduct mentioned in section 66A rather had questioned the reasoning for the
Mumbai shut down which she did through a comment on facebook.
If a citizen of a
democratic country does not even have the right to question what is happening in
the country and whether it make sense, then in what kind of democracy are we
living in. For the growth and development of our country, freedom of speech and
expression is essential and not having this would take away the true meaning of
democracy.
It is a fundamental right and directly impacts the opinion of 1.3 billion
towards their country. I believe that the shut down of Mumbai on that day for
that particular note may not be reasonable but the comment made by Shreya
Singhal was definitely reasonable and thus I believe that the Supreme Court
decision of giving the judgment in favor of Shreya Singhal was a sensibleone.  Â
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