Subhash Desai v/s Principal Secretary, Governor of Maharashtra [2023] SC 422
21st June, 2022 : Shiv Sena party member Mr. Eknath Shinde, went missing
along with a number of party MLAs who then refused to attend a meeting called by
Mr. Uddhav Thackeray.As a consequence, Mr. Shinde was removed from the post of
Legislature-Party leader. Mr. Shinde claimed that he had the support of over 40
MLAs, and Mr. Thackeray was no longer the party's chosen Representative.
24th June, 2022: Mr. Thackeray urged the Deputy Speaker to begin
disqualification proceedings against Mr. Eknath Shinde and other rebel MLAs. Mr.
Shinde challenged the proceedings in th8e SC and Got a stay order.
28thJune, 2022: The Governor of Maharashtra was requested to direct a floor test
in the Assembly and the same was affirmed. Thackeray faction challenged the
floor test but the Apex Court declined to stay it. Thereafter, chief Minister
Thackeray resigned within an hour, making way for the Shinde faction to
consolidate power. The Thackeray faction argued that the actions like disregard
for the party whip, appointment of a new Deputy Speaker, call for floor test and
insistence of the Shinde faction's majority were Acts of defection. Meanwhile,
the Shinde faction approached the EC to use the party symbol in Upcoming local
polls.
6th September, 2022: SC announced that the case would be decided by a 5-Judge
Constitution Bench.
Subhash Desai v. Principal Secretary, Governor of Maharashtra [2023] SC
422
Bench: D.Y.Chandrachud J., M.R.Shah J., Krishna Murari J., Hima Kohli J.,
P.S.Narasimha J.
Case Admitted : September 07, 2022
Filed on: July 08,2022
Last Date of Hearing: September 27, 2022
Next Date of Hearing: November 01, 2022
Facts Of The Case:
On November 28, 2019, Uddhav Thackeray, the leader of the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA)
coalition, took the oath of office as Chief Minister of Maharashtra. Eknath
Shinde and other Shiv Sena MLAs disappeared on June 21, 2022, alleging
ideological disagreements with MVA. They first traveled to Guwahati, then Surat.
On June 25, 2022, the Thackeray group sent a notification to Shinde's dissident
group, beginning the disqualification process. Shinde petitioned the Supreme
Court on June 26, 2022, to contest the disqualification process.
June 27, 2022: Rather than the customary seven days for such notices, the
rebel group is given twelve days to answer by the SC Vacation Bench, which is
made up of Justices Surya Kant and J.B. Pardiwala.
June 30, 2022: Following the dissident group's withdrawal of support, the
governor calls for a floor test. The SC rejects the Thackeray faction's
challenge, but the floor test goes forward. June 29, 2022: After the Supreme
Court declines to stay it, Thackeray steps down without taking the floor test.
A 3-judge Bench submits the matter to a 5-judge Constitution Bench on August 22,
2022. CJI D.Y. Chandrachud leads the 5-judge Constitution Bench, which started
deliberating the case on February 14, 2023. The bench dismissed the motion from
the Thackeray side to move the matter to a seven-judge bench on February 17,
2023.[1]
February 17, 2023: Shinde's group receives the Shiv Sena name and bow and
arrow emblem from the Election Commission of India (ECI). February 21, 2023: The
Thackeray camp claims that Shinde's group should be disqualified because of
their conduct, which they consider to be desertion.
Whether the speaker's notice of dismissal prevents him from carrying out the
Schedule X disqualification procedures under the Indian Constitution, and
whether a court can rule that a member is disqualified based only on his or her
acts in the absence of a determination by the speaker?
How much authority does the Speaker have to choose the parliamentary party's
whip and leader of the house?
Is the governor's authority to ask someone to form the government subject to
judicial review?
How far does the Election Commission of India have the authority to prevent an
ex parte rift inside a party?[2]
Contention From Both The Parties
Petitioner's Argument
In the past, the Thackeray group filed challenges contesting the conduct of the
Maharashtra Governor's trust vote, the purportedly improper swearing-in of
Eknath Shinde as the State's Chief Minister, and the proposition to elect a new
Speaker.
They also disputed the legitimacy of Governor Bhagat Singh Koshiyari's order for
a face-to-face floor exam. The contention made in these petitions was that
Eknath Shinde ought to be relieved of his Chief Minister duties as a result of
his failure to follow the proper legal processes, and the petitioner ought to
regain his position.
The Shinde faction's disrespect for the party whip, appointment of a new Deputy
Speaker, demand for a floor test, and insistence on the majority of the Shinde
faction were all deemed acts of desertion by the Thackeray group. Additionally,
they said that the Governor had effectively accepted a "split" in the party by
instituting the unconstitutional floor test.
The Thackeray side emphasized that elected members were no longer shielded from
disqualification for defection by the exceptions to the defection legislation
that applied to splits.
They also advocated for a reassessment of the Supreme Court's 2016 ruling in the
Nabam Rebia case. According to this decision, if a Speaker had a pending notice
of removal, he could not begin the process of disqualifying House members. The
Thackeray side maintained that members who were in danger of defecting could
easily stop the process by merely filing a notice for the Speaker's dismissal.
Respondent's Argument
The Shinde side maintained that once the Ministry withdrew its backing, the
governor would have no choice but to request a floor test. They maintained that
the Governor was right to call for a floor test because a sizable portion of
MLAs had told him the Ministry no longer held a majority.
As far as the Shinde faction was concerned, there had been no discussions about
a "split" inside the party since they insisted that they were the genuine Shiv
Sena, as recognized by the Indian Election Commission.[3] They said that because
Uddhav Thackeray never underwent the floor test and quit before it could be
conducted, the Thackeray side's use of the "floor test" to challenge the
legitimacy of the new administration was illegal. Internal party disputes are a
natural aspect of democracy and the constitutional framework, according to the
Shinde group, and therefore shouldn't be considered unlawful.
They further claimed that politics, not the courts, should have jurisdiction
over the issue. They contended that the Election Commission should have the
authority to ascertain the true political party, in accordance with the tenth
schedule.
Judgement:
The Court made it clear that there were no unusual circumstances in this case,
and that it normally cannot rule on disqualification petitions filed under the
10th Schedule. The Speaker has a fair amount of time to rule on disqualification
petitions. No matter how many disqualification petitions are pending, an MLA is
entitled to take part in House procedures. The resolution of disqualification
petitions has no bearing on the legitimacy of House activities during the
interregnum.
The Court made it clear that the whip and leader of the House are chosen by the
Political Party, not the Legislature Party. The decision announced by the
Speaker on July 3, 2022, was found to be illegal. After completing an
investigation, the Speaker should acknowledge the whip and leader designated by
the Shiv Sena Political Party.
The Election Commission of India (ECI) and the Speaker may decide on petitions
under paragraph 15 of the Symbols order and the 10th Schedule, respectively,
concurrently. In disqualification proceedings, the defense of a split is no
longer applicable due to the removal of paragraph 3 from the 10th Schedule.
The Governor was deemed unjustified in asking Mr. Thackeray to prove his
majority as there were no objective reasons to conclude Thackeray had lost the
House's confidence. However, the status quo ante could not be restored as
Thackeray resigned before facing the floor test. Therefore, the Governor was
justified in inviting Eknath Shinde to form the Government at the BJP's behest,
being the largest political party in the House. The batch of writ petitions was
disposed of according to these conclusions.
Issues:
Several possible weaknesses of the Indian legal system are highlighted by the
legal proceedings in this particular case. It is still ambiguous on how the
Speaker will decide disqualification pleas arising out of party constitutions
for objective decision-making. A reasonable time period for making
disqualification decisions is stressed, although explicit time constraints are
missing, opening an opportunity for unreasonable delays or manipulations.
However, the efficacy of such a test fails because the court does not consider
cases in which voluntary resignation blocks its practical conduct. However, the
powers given to the governor are unpredictable thus leaving room for personal
interpretation which may result in abuse of office. Moreover, the issue of how
to handle internal party conflicts within one party has not been clearly defined
leaving the role of the judiciary in this matter vague.
It is even worse in terms of the legal setting where there is no
post-resignation provision for reviewing the decisions of an extinguished board
in cases in which the status quo ante cannot be recovered. Corrections of these
vices will build India's legal system that provides transparent and impartial
rule of law resolution of political matters.
INFERENCE
The case highlights the tenuous balance that exists in Indian politics between
the legislative and executive branches. The Speaker's obligation to defer to
party decisions when appointing the whip and house leader was underscored by the
court. It made it clear that an MLA's ability to participate in house operations
should not be impeded by disqualification petitions, and that an MLA's voluntary
resignation is final. Party emblems and disqualification applications may be
decided upon jointly by the Speaker and the Election Commission.
In order for the governor to conduct a floor test, there must be legitimate
causes for the loss of trust. The court maintained democratic procedures and
favored political resolutions over judicial meddling in intraparty disputes. The
ruling highlights the court's adherence to the separation of powers and
constitutional norms, upholding a balanced approach to political disagreements.
Written By: Sneha Swami - Bhagat Phool Singh Mahila Vishwavidylaya,
Sonipat
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