Analyzing the dissenting opinion in the Sabarimala judgment using the
feminist perspective along with existing feminist theories.
The 5-judge bench, which gave the judgment on the Indian Young Lawyers
Association v State of Kerala, popularized as the Sabarimala verdict, declared
their verdict with a 4-1 consensus where the dissenting opinion was given by
Justice Indu Malhotra. The case was mainly around the tussle between Article 14
(Equality before law) and Article 25 (Freedom of conscience and free profession,
practice and propagation of religion) of the Indian Constitution. Along with
that Article 15 (Prohibition of discrimination on grounds of religion, race,
caste, sex or place of birth) Article 17 (Abolition of Untouchability) and
Article 26 (Freedom to manage religious affairs) also have important roles.
Sabarimala Temple in Kerala is one of the most famous temples of Lord Ayyappa,
referred to as Naishtika Brahmachari i.e. celibate for life. The Devaswom
Board which manages the temple, had banned the entry of women in the
menstruating age category in the temple through a notification. In 1991, the
Kerala HC had upheld the restriction and held that the Devaswom Board
prohibition does not violate the Constitution or any law under the Kerala Hindu
Places of Public Worship (Authorization of Entry) Act 1965.[1]
This petition
filed by the Indian Young Lawyers Association in 2016 raises the questions that
whether the custom of banning women of menstrual age from entering the temple
violates Article 14 and 15(3) of the constitution. Whether such a practice can
be deemed as an essential religious practices, whether a religious institution
can claim to assert his right to manage affairs under Article 26. Also, whether
the excluding of women due to physiological differences for a religious purpose
amounts to discrimination and whether the Temple can claim the denomination
status as given under Article 26.
The Sabrimala Temple has been a very special and sacred place for the devotees
of the Lord Ayyappa. According to the mythology and folklore, Lord Ayyappa had
himself explained the manner in which the holy pilgrimage to the Sabrimala
temple has to be undertaken after the 41 day Vratham has been completed.
The
whole process of the pilgrimage is undertaken to replicate the journey of Lord Ayyappa.
The process of undertaking the Vratham also include the separation
from the womenfolk of the house. This penance includes staying away from
anything thats intoxicating, forsaking all physical relationship with ones
spouse, living in an isolated room or building away from the family, refraining
all interactions with women, etc. In her book, Radhika Sekar has written all
about this custom and its intricacies,
The rule of celibacy is taken very seriously and includes celibacy in thought
and action. Ayyappas are advised to look upon all women older than them as
mothers and those younger as daughters or sisters. Menstrual taboos are now
strictly imposed…. Sexual cohabitation is also forbidden. During the vratam,
Ayyappas not only insist on these taboos being rigidly followed but they go a
step further and insist on physical separation. It is not uncommon for a wife,
daughter or sister to be sent away during her menses if a male member of the
household has taken the vratam….[2]
The term Naishtika Brahmachari is used to refer to the deity in the Sabarimala
temple. This is what makes this temple different than the other temples of Lord
Ayyappa and also inaccessible to the women in their reproductive age. According
to the folklore, Lord Ayyappa had manifested in the form of a Naishtika Brahmachari, with the technical meaning of the word Brahmachari
being self-restraint, particularly mastery of perfect control over the sexual
organ or freedom from lust in thought, word and deed.
Strict abstinence is not
merely from sexual intercourse, but also
from auto-erotic manifestations, from homosexual acts and from all perverse
sexual practices. It must further involve a permanent abstention from indulgence
in erotic imagination and voluptuous reverie. This form of manifestation of Lord Ayyappa is the reason behind the restriction of women of certain ages as the
restriction aims to protect and preserve the identity of the Lord in this form.
Articles in Play
In Justice Malhotras opinion, Article 14 must be viewed differently in the
matters of religion and religious beliefs and that it has to be adjudged
amongst the worshippers of a particular religion or shrine, who are aggrieved by
certain practices which are found to be oppressive or pernicious.[3] Public
Interest Litigations being permitted in religious matters would give an open
path to interlopers questioning various religious beliefs and customs even
though they are not a part of the said religion.
Here when we actually think about the term PIL i.e. Public Interest Litigation,
the reasoning given by Justice Malhotra seems very narrow in its definition of a
PIL as a PIL is basically something where the public at large has some kind of
interest and think that their legal rights are getting violated. Interest of the
community is shared in the matters of local, state and national government.
Also, in this the main issue is the violation of the fundamental rights of women
and not just any religious matter.
This article prohibits any discrimination on the basis of religion, race, caste,
sex or place of birth.
The fact that Sabarimala temple and temples in general are within the ambit of
Article 15(2)(b) here is in question. Referring to the constituent assembly
debate Article 9 which corresponds with Article 15,
9. Prohibition of discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste or sex-The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of
religion, race, caste, sex or any of them
Talking about the constituent assembly debates, it was reasoned that even at
that stage an amendment was proposed by the Vice President to include places of
worship after places of public entertainment which was voted and subsequently
rejected by the constituent assembly as the assembly did not think that place
of worship and temple are fit to be read within this category.
The exclusion of these terms at the stage of amendment of the draft article 9 of
the constitution is given the foremost consideration and is used to reject the
fact that temples and places of worship would fall under the ambit of Article
15(2)(b).
The petitioners argument that the restriction imposed on the entry of women of
the notified age group amounts to a form of untouchability was rejected. Here
the opinion was that all forms of exclusion do not tantamount to untouchability
as Article 17 was primarily to focus on the untouchability stemming from caste
prejudice.
Such as the Dalits asserting their rights in the temple entry
movement resulting in the Temple Entry Proclamation in 1936. In this case, women
in a certain age group cannot be taken as a class and that its based upon
religious beliefs and not on social exclusion. Along with that Article 17 must
be read with Untouchables (Offences) Act, 1955, which punishes all the crimes
and offences committed in relation to a member of the Scheduled Caste. With
reference to the constituent assembly debate on Article 11 of the Draft
constitution, which corresponds to article 17,
…Sir, under the device of caste distinction, a certain section of people have
been brought under the rope of untouchability, who have been suffering for ages
under tyranny of so-called caste Hindus, and all those people who style
themselves as landlords and zamindars, and were thus not allowed the ordinary
rudimentary facilities required for a human being… I am sure, Sir, by adoption
of this clause, many a Hindu who is a Harijan, who is a scheduled class man will
feel that he has been elevated in society and has now got a place in society…
Dr. Monomohan Das, quotes Mahatma Gandhi while undeniably accepting the meaning
of Untouchability as intended under the Constitution:
…Gandhiji said I do not want to be reborn, but if I am reborn, I wish that I
should be born as a Harijan, as an untouchable, so that I may lead a continuous
struggle, a life-long struggle against the oppressions and indignities that have
been heaped upon these classes of people.[5]
The Honble Judge stated that the debate provided clarity on the fact that untouchability referred to the caste-based discrimination faced by Harijans.
The way in which both the articles have been interpreted by Justice Malhotra,
there is a definitive pattern of originalist approach or originalism as the
method of constitutional interpretation applied.
Also known as the original intent approach, it is based on the intent of the
original framers of the constitution at the time when they drafted the text.
Adopting such an approach can be dangerous because any and all laws will be
interpreted by the said judge in the way, in which they seem to be convinced
about the framers intent. Such an approach is too rigid and inflexible for the
dynamic world. In the case of B.C Vehicle Motor Reference, the Canadian Supreme
Court rejected the idea of originalism as that would mean ...the rights,
freedoms and values embodied in the Charter in effect become frozen in time to
the moment of adoption with little or no possibility of growth, development and
adjustment to changing societal needs.[6]
While the living tree doctrine, involves understanding the Constitution to be
an evolving and organic instrument. For the living tree theorists, it matters
little what the intentions were at the time of Constitution making. What matters
the most is how the Constitution can be interpreted to contain rights in their
broadest realm.[7] Looking at Article 17 through the lens of the living tree
approach, as even it suggests a broader perspective and interpretation of the
article.
The application of such an approach allows the court to adopt an
interpretation, where the women of menstrual age who have been barred entry
inside Sabarimala, can be said to be a distinct class, being discriminated
against. When comparing it to discrimination against specific castes, it would
not be wrong to say that the discrimination was based on the impurity of these
castes. Similarly, the exclusion of women of the specified age group based on
their impurity i.e. menstruation should also be considered discrimination
as the effect of exclusion remains the same in both the instances.
Article 25 provides every individual the right to freely profess, practice and
propagate their religion. The Honorable Judge here believes that even though
Article 25 in its clause (2)(b) provides for interference by the state in the
matter of social welfare and reform, it should be read with the constitutional
morality underlying the texts drafted and doing so will ascertain that the true
meaning and the intent of the Constitution. Since, constitutional morality in a
secular polity would enable a person to freely practice their faith, it would be
irrelevant for the court to judge the rationality of certain practices.
By
stating that the court need not delve into the rationality of religious
practices sets a very dangerous precedent as it is through judicial activism
that the rigid societal structure has been molded to inculcate the needs of the
changing times.
The Court also has provided protection to the essential religious
practices under Article 25 which was formulated in the case of Commissioner,
Hindu Religious Endowments, Madras v. Sri Lakshmindra Thirtha Swamiar of Sri
Shirur Mutt[8], where the Court held that protection is provided to the acts
done in pursuance of religion and not just the freedom of religious beliefs.
The
Court had also reiterated the test for essential religious practices, in the
case of Ratilal Panachand Gandhi v. The State of Bombay, that no outside
authority can have the right to judge and declare certain practices as non-
essential to the religion, even the secular authority of the court restrict or
prohibit them.
If this is the belief of the community thus observed the learned
judge, and it is proved undoubtedly to be the belief of the Zoroastrian
community, - a secular judge is bound to accept that belief - it is not for him
to sit in judgment on that belief, he has no right to interfere with the
conscience of a donor who makes a gift in favor of what he believes to be the
advancement of the religion and the welfare of his community or mankind. These
observations do in our opinion afford an indication of the measure of protection
that is given by Article 26(b) of our Constitution.[9]
Thereby, Justice Malhotra agreed with the judgement in S. Mahendran v The
Secretary, Travancore Devaswom Board case[10] where the Court held the practice
of restricting women to be a part of essential religious practices as the only
way to determine the importance of the practice is to see if the said practices
are considered to be integral in the specific religious community and can be
said to have been followed since time immemorial.
To prove that, the testimonies
of three people - the Tanthri of the Temple who could testify about the
practices of the temple with his personal knowledge of 40 years, the Secretary
of Ayyappa Seva Sangham who had been a regular pilgrim for 60 years, a senior
member of the Pandalam Palace also testified and therefore the Court held that
the testimonies given by the three people establishes the fact that the custom
had been followed since the past several centuries.
The other argument under Article 26 was that whether the Ayyappan's constitute
as a religious denomination under the provision of Article 26 through which they
will be able to manage their own affairs in the matters of religion. This right
is given subject to public order, morality and health, but unlike Article 25 not
to the provisions of Part III of the Constitution. Justice Malhotra believes
that the Respondents had made a strong case to prove the denominational nature
of the devotees of Ayyappa.
The conditions laid down by the case of S.P. Mittal
v. Union of India, given below, need to be satisfied to gain the denominational
status:
And in this case, the worshippers of Lord Ayyappa at Sabarimala Temple, can be
said to constitute a religious denomination or sect, by virtue of them following
the Ayyappan Dharma. With the male devotees known as Ayyappans, female
devotees outside the age group of 10-50 years old being called Mallikapurnams.
Â
The devotees follow a certain set of beliefs, customs and code of conduct, which
have been in practice for a very long time and are founded in common faith. The Sabarimala Temple had also owned large landed properties, which were taken over
by the state and when the State of Travancore merged with the Union of India,
the obligation of paying annuities to the Temple was shifted the Government of
India.
Justice Malhotra though believes in the strong case put forth by the
Respondents, also thinks that the question whether Sabarimala Temple
constitutes as a religious denomination should not be decided in writ
proceedings as the proper platform to decide on this would be the civil court
where both the parties would get the opportunity to establish their case but
takes a liberal interpretation an accords the Ayyappans the status of a
religious denomination.
This is a theory of feminism where the focus is on the individual womans
ability to make her choices and the actions performed in the quest to maintain
their equality. The major spotlight is on the reforms through the political and
legal systems which would help in reaching the point of equality and being at
par with the men. According to the liberal feminists "female subordination is
rooted in a set of customary and legal constraints that blocks women's entrance
to and success in the so-called public world". They strive for sexual equality
via political and legal reform.[12]
In the case of Sabarimala Temple, it the verdict of the majority Judges which
showcases the view and idea of the liberal feminism. By the lifting the ban on
entry of women of menstrual age (ages 10 - 50 years old) into the temple, the
Court aimed at bringing by a social reform through the legal system and giving a
legal right to the said women and upholding their right to equality.
The verdict
was supposed to the seen as a milestone for the women but the ban was just
lifted theoretically as one of the two women who entered the temple after the
verdict was announced, despite threats by the right wing, was beaten up by her
own in laws as she had entered the shrine in spite of the opposition of her in
laws and her family. Apart from that the numbers of protests and the attacks by
the protestors did not allow a large number of women from entering the temple.
Even the head priest, after the entry of these women decided to close the
sanctum sanctorum to perform a purification ceremony.[13]
The theory of Marxist Feminism is basically a variant of feminism with an added
concept of Marxism. It is based around the concept that women are oppressed
through the systems of private property and capitalism, with the belief that
dismantling capitalism will lead to the liberation of women. This theory is
majorly focusing on the fact that economic inequality, dependence and political
confusion is the root of the oppression in the current scenario.
The Radical Feminism theory analyses the structures of power in play when
talking about the oppression of women. It is based on the fact that the women as
a biological class are oppressed by men, as a biological class. The belief is
that the male power is maintained by the institutions and customs created by
them and therefore seek to strengthen male superiority by reinforcing female
inferiority.[14]
The structure and power play in the concept of patriarchy along with the
internalization of patriarchy by the society, women as well can be clearly seen
after the announcement of the verdict. The women on the streets, protesting
against the entry of other women arguing the fact that religion does not require
logic is appalling.[15]
Conclusion
The opinion given by Justice Malhotra can be seen as problematic. The fact that
the restriction on the entry of women is because of the menstrual age and the
taboo around menstruation and the idea of women being seen as impure beings is
the basis of the restriction which is not being highlighted but instead being
internalized.
This is what radical feminists speak about, the distinction of
biological classes and the paramountcy of men as the superior biological class.
The outrage after the verdict is all about women and men who are against the
decision, talking about how the culture and the values are more important than
taking a step towards gender equality. Even after the verdict, the incidents
where the women who dared to enter the shrine were either heckled and harassed
at the base camps or in the case of the women who actually went inside, were
disowned by their own family.
This can be seen as the difference between liberal
feminism and radical feminism or Marxist feminism as even though changes are
being brought around in the way of political and legal reforms, nothing has
really changed at the ground level and unless a there is change in the structure
of the society itself, it will be difficult to implement these reforms, bringing
us back to square one.
End-Notes:
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