It goes without saying that the foundation of a democratic framework and the
entire constitutional system is parliamentary functioning. A democracy is
defined by free, open, and fearless debate in the legislature. To allow them to
do so without fear of repercussions for offenses like defamation and other
similar ones, all members of the houses have been given a number of powers.
In order for the members of the houses to exercise their authority effectively
and efficiently, the Parliament has granted them specific privileges. These
privileges are known as Parliamentary privileges. Sir John Eliot and the Bill of
Rights, the landmark case that occurred in the United Kingdom in 1688,
established the rule that, "the freedom of speech and debate in parliament
should not be questioned anywhere else." Due to our adoption of Britain's
parliamentary system of governance, we also embraced the idea of parliamentary
privileges.
The Constitution, on the other hand, ensures that every citizen has unalienable,
sacred, and basic rights known as fundamental rights. There have been various
discussions on whether parliamentary privilege should be constrained by
fundamental rights or vice versa, as well as which would take precedence in the
event of a conflict. Various judicial pronouncements have been issued.
General Idea Of Privileges And Fundamental Rights
The term "privilege" is derived from the Latin word "privilegium," which means
"a special law passed in favour of or against a specific person." In "Raja Ram
Pal v. Lok Sabha Speaker[i]", the apex Court interpreted privilege as "a special
right, advantage, or benefit conferred on a particular person; it is a peculiar
advantage or favour granted to one person as opposed to another to do certain
acts.
"Following these ideas, it is clear that privileges granted to parliamentarians
are specific rights or protections given to all parliamentary members and
members of state assemblies in order for them to express their views or
discharge their duties freely and without trepidation.
On the other hand, all Indian citizens are given fundamental rights under Part
III of the Indian Constitution. The term "fundamental rights" refers to human
rights that are both essential and inviolable[ii]. These rights support the
principles of liberty, equality, and human dignity. They imposed a number of
constraints on tyrannical actions[iii]. They guard against state infringement on
a person's dignity, liberty, and freedom. Rights granted to citizens in Part III
of the constitution have always been conflicted with the legislative privileges
granted to members of the houses.
Constitutional Provisions Related To Privileges
The privileges that members of parliament are granted are outlined in Article
105. The rights granted to members of the state legislative assembly are
similarly addressed under Art. 194. Article 105 is interpreted in the same way
as Article 194 since both provisions are deemed to have the same effect.
All privileges are not, however, encompassed by the aforementioned clause It
explicitly grants few privileges, and the remaining provisions confine a House's
power to that of the British House of Commons. It should be noted that
parliamentary privileges are also available to those who are authorized to speak
and participate in the proceedings of a House or any of its committees despite
not being members of that House.
Ministers or Attorneys General can be among these figures. It should be noted
that these authorities are not absolute. Members' freedom of expression is
limited by the rules of procedure of the House established by Art 203 so that it
can be used responsibly. According to Rules 349 to 356 of lower house, members
are not allowed to use unparliamentary language or behaviour. The constitution's
Articles 121 and 211 also place restrictions on this power. In addition, members
are not entitled to exercise any of their rights outside of the home.
Need For Privileges
The main goal of parliamentary privileges and immunities is to make sure that
legislative duties are carried out effectively. "Certain powers and privileges
have been granted to the representatives in order for the parliament to function
independently, efficiently, fearlessly, and to represent the views or will of we
the people of India."
"Privileges also protect each house's independence, authority, and dignity." In
actuality, they shield lawmakers from unjustified legal pressure. The Supreme
Court ruled in "Kalpana Mehta v. Union of India[iv]" that free expression is a
cornerstone of democratic government. The representatives of the public must
speak up boldly on matters that matter to their constituency.
Parliamentary Privileges Guaranteed By The Constitution
Freedom to speak in the House of Parliament and Legislative Assembly of all
states
According to Article 105(1) of the Indian Constitution, "subject to the
provisions of the Constitution of India and the rules and standing orders
regarding the procedure of the Parliament, there shall be freedom of speech in
the Parliament".
For everything spoken while the house or its committees are in session, the
article provides complete immunity from legal action. Discussion on the actions
and conduct of judicial bodies and judges of the high court and the supreme
court is prohibited under Article 121 of the constitution except when a motion
is passed against.
Right of Publication of its proceedings
No one shall be accountable with respect to the publishing by order under the
authority of a House of Parliament of any report, document, vote, or
proceedings, according to Clause (2) of Article 105. A breach of the House's
privilege is committed by publishing a speech that had been expunged.
Freedom of Arrest
A member of the Parliament is not permitted to be detained or imprisoned in
connection with any civil case 40 days prior to and 40 days following the
session of the house. member who is detained during this time must be
immediately released so that he or she can attend the Parliamentary session.
Right to convene secret sessions and bar outsiders from watching parliament
proceedings
India's Parliament enjoys the luxury of participating in secret missions to
address and discuss some significant issues but it can be conducted under
special conditions because the people must be aware of what their legislators
are doing
Right to regulate internal proceedings
The House of Parliament has the sole authority to control its internal processes
or make decisions in certain situations. As mentioned in Article 122(1), A claim
of a procedural irregularity cannot be brought in court to challenge the
legality of the Parliament's operations.
Right to penalize outsiders or members for derision and disrespect
A member or outsider who "contempts the court" or "breaches privilege" may be
punished by the Parliament. A member could be put on administrative leave,
kicked out of the house, or even imprisoned. Fundamental rights are provided to
every citizen. Article 105 states that the members of Parliament have absolute
privileges with regard to their actions and proceedings.
Every person is guaranteed the right to freedom of speech and expression by
Article 19 (1)(a), however, these rights are subject to reasonable limitations
under Article 19 (2). Despite the fact that the privilege within Article 105 is
distinct and exempt from Article 19 restrictions (2). Therefore, it might be
argued that the limited freedom of speech protected by Article 19 and the
unrestricted freedom of expression granted by Article 105 are different.
The Conflicting Jurisprudence Of The Parliamentary Privileges And Fundamental Rights
In the case of
Gunupati Keshavram Reddy v. Nafisul Hasana and the state
of U.P[v], the court was confronted for the first time with the tension between
privilege and fundamental rights. In this instance, The Blitz dissed the U.P.
legislative assembly speaker in a news article that was published. The House
Committee on Privileges was been asked to look into this issue.
The editor of the Blitz, D.H. Mistry, was called before the House and asked to
give a strong defense for his conduct. On the other side, D.H. Mistry remained
silent and refused to come before the house. The assembly as a consequence
adopted a resolution ordering the speaker to issue an arrest warrant and ensure
his presence in the house. As a result of his violation of parliamentary
privileges, Mistry was taken into custody. He was kept in a hotel for a week.
He requested a warrant of habeas corpus from the Supreme Court, arguing that his
basic right protected by Art. 22(2) had been infringed. The argument that Mistry
was not brought before a magistrate within the allotted time was accepted by the
Supreme Court. His fundamental right, protected by Art. 22. (2), had therefore
been compromised. The judge ordered him freedom.
A close examination of this ruling indicates that it proclaimed fundamental
rights to be more important than parliamentary privileges. However, later court
rulings have altered this idea. He petitioned the Supreme Court under Article
32, alleging that the notification and the committee's suggested action
infringed on his Fundamental Right to Free Expression, which is protected by
Article 19. (1). (a). However, his argument was rejected by the Supreme Court.
The petitioner further asserted that his fundamental rights to life and liberty,
as protected by Art. 21 of the Constitution, were infringed during the hearings
before the Committee of Privileges. The court dismissed this argument, pointing
out that the House is empowered to set rules under Article 118 in the case of a
House of Parliament and Article 208 in the case of a House of State Legislature.
In accordance with Art. 32, the petitioner went back to court to ask for the
earlier judgment to be reviewed.
The court, however, turned down the request for a review of the earlier
judgment. Since Art. 19(1)(a) does not apply to the privileges enjoyed by a
House of Parliament or a state legislature under Articles 105(3) and 194(3),
respectively, the House was free to forbid the publication of any account of its
discussions or proceedings, even if doing so would have violated the publisher's
fundamental right to free expression.
An arrest warrant was issued for Keshav Singh in the renowned and intriguing
case of In re Keshav Singh for contempt of house for sending an insulting letter
to the speaker. He was so detained and given a 7-day jail term. He filed a
petition for habeas corpus. He received bail
The legislature adopted a resolution after his release declaring that the
Judges, an attorney, and Keshav Singh had all broken the law. That was a home
order. They should all be detained and hauled before the house. Conversely, all
four participants claimed they were in contempt of the court in a separate
petition submitted to the high court. This 28 judges on a panel halted the order.
The house ultimately revoked the warrant and In the meantime, the president
asked the Supreme Court pursuant to Article 143 for its guidance. Three
significant issues were raised.
- Whether the legislature is the sole and final arbiter of its privileges
- Whether any house has the authority to punish a person for acts of
contempt committed outside the house
According to the Supreme Court, the House is the only and last arbiter.
Second, it has the power to penalize an individual for disrespectful behavior
displayed outside the house. In response to the third concern, the Supreme Court
ruled that the high courts and the Supreme Court have exclusive authority over
judicial review and that no order or issuance may be seen as a breach of the
House's decorum.
According to the Supreme Court, the privileges would take precedence over the
right to free expression protected by Article 19(1)(a), and Articles 21 and 20
would take precedence over the privileges. The Supreme Court held in "
Tej
Kiran Jain and Others v. Sanjiva Reddy and Others[vi]" that lawmakers cannot
be sued for defamation based on their legislative comments.
Similarly to this, 11 members of parliament were caught on tape receiving bribes
by a television station in
Raja Ram Pal v. Lok Sabha Speaker [vii]. The
parliament was in a frenzy and ordered an inquiry immediately. The privileges
committee looked into this issue and concluded that all of them, are guilty.
Through writ petitions, they requested reinstatement from the Supreme Court.
"We hold that the broad contention on behalf of the Union of India that the
exercise of Parliamentary privileges cannot be decided against the touchstone of
fundamental rights or constitutional provisions is not correct," the court said
in reference to the law established in the two cases of Pandit Sharma and the
case of the U.P. Assembly.
The court, on a case-by-case basis clearly established that fundamental rights
come before privileges. Additionally, the court granted itself the power to
carry out an investigation utilizing the legality and constitutionality
standards.
A Distinction Between Parliamentary Privileges And Fundamental Right To Speak Freely
The contrast between basic rights and privileges granted to is comprehensively
examined in the case of "
AlagaapuramR.Mohanraj v. Tamil Nadu Legislative
Assembly[viii] ".
The primary identifying traits are as follows:
All Indian citizens have the basic right to free speech and expression,
according to Article 19(1). (A) but the freedom of speech guaranteed by Articles
105 and 194 is solely available to members of legislative bodies. Hence, it is
clear that only members of the Council can use Articles 105 and 194.
The freedom of expression guaranteed by Articles 105 and 194 may only be
exercised by people while they are members of legislative bodies. Nevertheless,
because rights as citizens are seldom removed, the basic right under Article
19(1)(a) is inalienable.
The right granted by art. 19(1)(a) is subject to the exceptions set forth in
art. 19(1). (2). A legislator's right to free speech, on the other hand, is not
subject to such legal constraints. Nonetheless, as stated in the opening clauses
of articles 105 and 194, such power is subject to "other provisions of the
Constitution as well as the rules and standing orders regulating the procedure
of the legislative bodies."
Articles 121 and 211 expressly limit this power by prohibiting any discussion in
legislative bodies about the conduct of any Supreme Court or High Court Judge in
the discharge of his/her duties. As a result, it is clear that the scope of the
right to free speech and expression granted to citizens and members of
legislative bodies is entirely different.
Conclusion
The main goal of parliamentary privileges and immunities is to make sure that
legislative duties are carried out effectively. "Certain powers and privileges
have been granted to the representatives in order for the parliament to function
independently, efficiently, fearlessly, and to represent the views or will of we
the people of India." "Privileges also protect each house's independence,
authority, and dignity" These are indeed necessary for governing a country.
There are instances when there were conflicts between Parliamentary privileges
and Fundamental rights but the Supreme Court in its subsequent judgment made it
clear that Parliamentary privileges are equally important but cannot supersede
the fundamental rights of individuals. Hence privileges, constitutional rights,
Lok Sabha rules, and fundamental rights prevail under a single umbrella.
Suggestions
Granting immunity to parliamentarians is necessary. During the instances of
misuse, the Supreme court can intervene and make sure that they are not used
against fundamental rights. In such a way by giving privilege legislative duty
can be carried out effectively and simultaneously not breaching the fundamental
rights guaranteed by the constitution.
Parliament can draw lines by implementing certain legislations which can keep
check and at times intervene and prevent misuse of parliamentary privileges by
the parliamentarians.
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