Breaking the Glass Wall: Examining Barriers to Employment for Educated Women in India

Abstract

This paper explores the persistent issue of gender inequality in education and employment in India. Despite policy advancements and educational initiatives, disparities remain in access, participation, and outcomes. This study investigates statistical trends, government initiatives, and socio-cultural constraints through an analysis of secondary data. It identifies the roots of inequality, highlights the gaps, and proposes policy recommendations for a more equitable future.

Introduction

Gender equality is not merely a common human right but also the basis of a peaceful, prosperous, and sustainable world order. Though remarkable advancements have been made in India in women’s education over the past two decades, the relationship between education and work is tenuous for the majority of women. The labour force participation rate (LFPR) of educated women is still well below that of men as per the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS)^[1] 2021–22, a matter of serious concern about the social and structural barriers that keep educated women out of or out of the labour force.

Despite all government initiatives under initiatives like Beti Bachao Beti Padhao, Skill India, and Samagra Shiksha, the majority of educated Indian women are either unemployed or under-employed^[2]. India ranked 127 out of 146 economies in the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report 2023^[3], with profound gaps not just in work, but in economic opportunity and participation as well. The gap between rising female education and flattening or declining female employment has been termed the “feminisation of education but masculinisation of employment”^[4].

This paper seeks to examine the paradox within the Indian context: Why does the rise in women’s educational attainment not translate into corresponding participation or success in the workforce? It aims to explore the underlying social, structural, and institutional barriers that prevent educated women from entering or thriving in employment. Above all, what policy measures can be provided to bridge the gap?

Drawing on the analysis of data available and literature available, the paper will try to identify and profile the impelling forces behind this phenomenon in an attempt to contribute to knowledge available on gender inequality in India’s labor market. The subject is contemporaneously relevant both from the point of view of women empowerment and national economic growth, as also inclusive growth.

Legal Framework

Gender equality in India is not only a moral or social necessity—it is a constitutional mandate and statutory duty. The Indian law has enshrined a number of provisions and action taken in the Constitution and through legislation that create protection for women’s rights in education, employment, and respect in the workplace. These are both in the Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State Policy (DPSPs) of the Indian Constitution and in a number of legislative enactments passed to bring these constitutional ideals into realizable laws.

• Article 14 of the Constitution guarantees equality before the law and equal protection of the laws to all individuals, the basis of gender equality in the juridical system. It bars the State from practicing arbitrary discrimination against women in any field of public life, such as access to work and education^[5].
• Article 15(1) forbids State discrimination on the ground of sex against any citizen, and Article 15(3) expressly authorizes the State to make special provision for women and children, thus providing a rationale for affirmative action in employment and education^[6].
• Article 16 provides for equality of opportunity in government employment insofar as women are not discriminated against in the case of government employment or promotion on the basis of gender only^[7].
• Article 21A ensures free and compulsory education to all children in the age group of 6–14 years, enforced by the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009^[8].
• Article 39(d) requires the State to ensure men and women receive equal remuneration for equal work^[9].
• Article 42 requires the State to make arrangements for reasonable and humane conditions of work and maternity relief.

Along with these constitutional provisions, several statutory provisions render gender equality a practical reality:

• The Equal Remuneration Act, 1976 mandates equal pay for equal work and prohibits gender discrimination during recruitment^[10].
• The Maternity Benefit Act, 1961 (amended in 2017) provides 26 weeks of maternity leave with pay, crèche facilities, and work-from-home options but is limited largely to the formal sector^[11].
• The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013 (POSH Act) legislates provisions to ensure workplace safety for women and reduce attrition due to fear or discomfort^[12].

Judicial interventions have also solidified gender justice:

• Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan: The Supreme Court set specific guidelines against sexual harassment in the workplace, forming the basis of the POSH Act^[13].
• Air India v. Nargesh Meerza: The Court invalidated discriminatory service rules against women air hostesses as unconstitutional^[14].
• Anuj Garg v. Hotel Association of India: The Court ruled that protective legislation must not reinforce patriarchal stereotypes but instead enhance women’s autonomy^[15].

Despite these guarantees, enforcement gaps continue—particularly in the informal economy, farm work, and among poor women’s access to the law. Nonetheless, the law offers a good foundation that can be tapped by targeted policies and strict enforcement to break the “glass wall” that continues to keep educated Indian women out of the economy.

Legal Gaps in Implementation and Judicial Approach

While India’s gender equality legislative framework is robust on paper, its practice is poor on enforcement—particularly in the informal economy. For instance, while the Equal Remuneration Act, 1976, enunciates equal pay for equal work, its enforcement is patchy in the absence of effective workplace inspections and loopholes in the law in contract employment. Likewise, the Maternity Benefit Act, 1961 (amended in 2017) has provided extended maternity leaves and workplace crèche facilities but for those working in the formal sector only, leaving millions of women out of its ambit^[16].

Judicial intervention has filled in the enforcement gaps in all of the above fields. The Supreme Court, in Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan, set guidelines against sexual harassment at workplaces that formed the basis of the POSH Act, 2013^[17]. In fact, current reports show that compliance is low, particularly among private businesses, institutions, and unregulated sectors^[18].

Other cases also indicate the Court’s readiness to move and resist patriarchal tendencies within the workplace. In Air India v. Nargesh Meerza, the Court invalidated discriminatory service rules dismissing air hostesses at younger ages than men^[19]. In Anuj Garg v. Hotel Association of India, the Court held that “protective” legislation cannot perpetuate gender stereotypes but instead must promote women’s autonomy^[20]. They provide the foundation of gender equality law but have to be pursued in an active manner at the lower administrative levels.

Challenges in Enforcement of Gender Laws

Despite progressive gender-centric legislation, India’s enforcement apparatus is still weak. Informal workers, constituting more than 90% of women workers, seldom enjoy the benefits enshrined in laws such as the Maternity Benefit Act or Equal Remuneration Act, since their work isn’t formally registered.^[21]

The POSH Act, though compulsory, has weak implementation among small companies, educational institutions, and rural industries. A large number of organizations don’t establish Internal Complaints Committees (ICCs) or don’t train their personnel in receiving complaints.^[22] Labour inspectors are overwhelmed and frequently aren’t equipped to handle gender-related issues, particularly in private organizations.

Further, there is no legal provision for a gender audit in India, which is essential to identify workplace disparities. In other countries like Sweden and Canada, gender impact assessments are a routine employment policy. In India, in the absence of this accountability framework, it becomes more difficult to apply existing laws.

Objectives

This research will explore the intricate issue of gender disparity in education and employment in India. The exact research objectives are as follows:

1. To Investigate the Variation Between Men and Women in Education Access in India:The research will analyze how men’s and women’s access to education and school achievements vary. It will study key indicators such as literacy, Gross Enrolment Ratios (GER), and dropouts at various levels of education—primary to higher. The objective is to establish inequalities in education access and attainment persisting despite efforts by the government to universalize education. It will also quantify the success of national programs such as Samagra Shiksha and Beti Bachao Beti Padhao in reducing the educational gender gap.^[23]
2. For Analyzing Gender Gaps in Employment Opportunities:This goal is intended to explore the processes through which men and women, particularly educated women, are kept out of the labour market.

   Labour Force Participation Rates (LFPR), unemployment rates, and the spread of employment across different sectors like self-employment, regular wage employment, and casual labour will be taken into account. It seeks to reveal the structural imbalances and barriers that keep women out of or within the formal labour market even after possessing the same educational degrees.^[24]

3. To Identify the Socio-Cultural and Structural Causes of Such Disparities:Besides statistical deficit, this study has the objective of identifying the root causes of gender disparity in education and employment. These include exploring deeply ingrained societal perspectives, patriarchal attitudes, security concerns, mobility limitations, child marriage, and demeaning women’s education and work.^[25] It also seeks to explore the lack of women-specific skill development and vocational training as the most strong forces acting against women’s economic contribution, especially in urban labor markets.^[26]
4. In Order to Make Policy Intervention Recommendations to Minimize Gender Inequality:Drawing from the research, the study aims to provide concrete and actionable policy recommendations towards greater gender equality.

   This will include recommendations for enhancing the equity and quality of education, increasing female enrollment in skill development programs, providing job safety and flexibility, and bringing an end to discriminatory recruitment and remuneration.^[27] Special attention will be accorded to how existing government policy may be rewritten or strengthened to provide greater equal access and opportunities for women in every area.^[28]

Literature Review

There is extensive wide literature that has examined gender inequality based in India, i.e., education and work. The authors have used the description multifaceted to define the causes and enduring consequences of the inequalities.

Mohapatra and Luckert (2014) are in the opinion that education level accounts for the majority percentage of the extent of women’s participation in the labor market. As stated by them, their research indicates that the absence of access to education globally—specifically beyond the primary level—directly influences the capacity of women to participate in formal sectors of employment, those with less uncertain employment and better remuneration. As they hold in their opinion, improving the level of education among women is the solution to closing both the gender gap of participation in the labor market and the wage gap.^[29]

At this juncture, Sumanjeet (2016) observes that intervention and growth in the economy have made some aspects of women’s work and education better, but patriarchal social norms continue to limit the autonomy of women. The social and cultural norm can serve to reinforce women’s position as being more of a nurturer and less of anything else, deterring them from access to education and decision-making in family life and working life.^[30]

Costagliola (2021) takes this debate further by examining how gender roles are socially embedded early in life. Indian socialization places women in subordinating positions, which inform their constructions of self and career aspirations. Internalized gender norms perpetuate a self-reinforcing process of women excluding themselves from the labor market or being pushed into low-paid, informal employment.^[31]

Government and international agencies also offer robust support in terms of such findings by researchers. According to the Periodic Labour Force Survey 2021–22 released by the National Statistical Office (NSO), there is a huge disparity between the labor force participation rate among males and females but with a marginal boost over the years.^[32] Similarly, Unified District Information System for Education Plus (UDISE+) ministry reports of the Ministry of Education state the rise in the girl’s enrollment ratio in primary and secondary levels but show that there are still challenges in higher education enrollment and drop out, particularly in rural India.^[33]

Census 2011 and subsequent rounds of NSSO also validate the presence of regional and rural-urban differentials in female employment and literacy. The findings indicate that even though all-India level trends in indicators of progress are modest, regional gender differentials are extremely large, requiring interventions at the regional level.^[34]

The United Nations Development Programme has also made some astute observations in its Human Development Reports. These place India at reasonably low positions in world gender indices and refer to the structural basis of inequality—such as wage disparities, access to health care, and political under-representation of women.^[35]

More broadly, then, literature presents a nuanced image of gender inequity in India. Education has opened to women in recent decades, but the journey from education to equal and fulfilling work for women is sluggish and bumpy. Socio-cultural constraints, financial limits, and gaps in policy implementation all hinder women’s advance, and this is a primary domain for ongoing academic and policy attention.

Methodology

This research employs a descriptive study design, which is solely reliant on secondary sources of data to analyze gender discrimination at work and education in India. The descriptive style is most suited for the identification of trends, patterns, and comparisons from large data sets without manipulating any variables.

Data Sources

The study employs data from original and government-approved sources:

• Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS): Data on labor force participation, unemployment levels, and types of employment by gender and geography.^[36]
• National Sample Survey Office (NSSO): Particularly the 75th round, providing information on education and labor market opportunities.^[37]
• Unified District Information System for Education Plus (UDISE+): Published by the Ministry of Education; includes statistics on enrollment, dropout, and gender parity.^[38]
• Census of India, 2011: Provides demographic and literacy-related data.^[39]
• Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MoSPI): Publishes country-wise aggregate data on education and employment annually.^[40]

These are representative, well-referenced sources that offer safe and gender-disaggregated data essential for this analysis.

7.2 Indicators Used

To examine gender differences, the following indicators are used:

Education Indicators:

• Literacy Rates: Gender- and urban-rural-class-based, indicating India’s low educational rates.
• Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER): Computed at various levels—primary to higher education—indicating the percentage of enrolled students compared to age-group population.
• Dropout Rates: Gender-specific dropout data at primary, upper primary, and secondary levels to analyze school dropouts among girls.

Employment Indicators:

• Labour Force Participation Rate (LFPR): Percentage of working-age individuals employed or actively seeking work.
• Unemployment Rate: Percentage of the labor force that is unemployed and actively seeking employment.
• Type of Employment:
  • Regular Wage/Salaried Workers: Receive regular pay from an employer.
  • Self-Employed: Includes own-account workers and unpaid family workers.
  • Casual Labour: Employees without a formal contract, usually paid daily.

7.3 Method of Analysis

Descriptive statistics (percentages, ratios, and tables) are used for comparative analysis. Graphs and charts help visualize gender-based trends over time.

No inferential statistical techniques are applied, as this study does not aim to test hypotheses but to describe existing inequalities. The descriptive approach ensures clear communication of policy-relevant data about gender disparities in education and employment.

Key Factors Behind Low Employment of Women in India

Despite progress in education and gender indicators, female labor force participation remains significantly lower than male participation in India. Several interconnected social, economic, and structural factors contribute to this persistent gap:

Cultural and Social Factors

• Patriarchal norms shape gender roles, assigning caregiving and domestic responsibilities to women.
• Households, particularly in rural/semi-urban areas, often discourage women’s professional aspirations.^[41]
• Concerns about safety—especially in commuting—limit women’s access to the labor market.^[42]
• Societal expectations prioritize early marriage and domestic roles, restricting women’s workforce participation.^[43]

Structural and Economic Barriers

• Lack of adequate job opportunities, especially in rural/informal sectors where women often seek work.^[44]
• Work conditions such as long hours, night shifts, or relocation are challenging for women due to household responsibilities.^[45]
• Persistent wage disparities discourage female labor force participation.^[46]
• Informal sector jobs—employing many women—lack social security and workplace protections.^[47]

Inadequacy of Education and Skill Deficits

• Though female enrollment in higher education is increasing, most degrees lack employability or market-oriented skills.^[48]
• Vocational and technical training is inadequately integrated into the education system.^[49]
• Women often lack digital or specialized skills needed to compete in modern labor markets.^[50]

Marriage and Motherhood

• Marriage and childbearing often lead to prolonged career breaks for women.^[51]
• Limited childcare options and lack of family support exacerbate women’s exclusion from work.
• Without flexible work arrangements (e.g., part-time, remote work), returning after maternity becomes difficult.^[52]

Policy and Institutional Shortfalls

Though India has maternity benefit laws, their implementation is uneven, especially in the private and casual economy^[53]. Organizations mostly don’t hire women in their reproductive years or don’t provide adequate leave, re-skilling, or return-to-work support. Even an disproportionately affecting working mothers^[54]. Furthermore, a lack of gender-responsive budgeting and workplace gender audits leads to a structural neglect of women’s special needs in labor and economic planning^[55]. Such policy failures discourage women from pursuing long-term professional careers.

Legal Literacy and Access to Justice

Legal awareness is often the disconnected thread between remedies and rights. Most women, particularly rural women of India, are unaware of their rights provided by legislations like the Maternity Benefit Act, Equal Remuneration Act, and the POSH Act. Not even educated women have proper knowledge about grievance redressal forums or labour courts^[56].

The Legal Services Authorities Act, 1987 established NALSA to provide free legal assistance to weaker sections, which also includes women^[57]. But its work on labour law-related issues is weak. According to statistics given by NALSA, very few of the cases initiated by women are related to workplace rights or employment-based discrimination^[58].

Expansion of legal literacy programmes through community legal aid clinics, women’s self-help groups, and mobile legal aid vans would also increase access to justice. Legal help desks in labour offices and women-focused public awareness campaigns can bridge this gap between law and its application.

Real-Life Examples & Case Studies

To situate the real-world implications of gender disparity in education and employment, the present section provides fictionalized case studies from pooled studies and trends of research. The fictionalized cases are rooted in actual social trends documented by national and international agencies like the UNDP, PLFS, and Education Ministry. They are presented here for academic and illustrative purposes only in order to underscore how intersectional factors affect Indian women differently across geography, socio-economic status, and life stage^[59].

Case Study 1: Aarti – The Invisible Graduate

Aarti, a 22-year-old from a Tier-2 city in Uttar Pradesh, holds a bachelor’s degree in commerce from a local university. She is unemployed despite applying for different jobs. She faces multiple constraints—less opportunity for jobs in her location, family constraints on moving locations, and the pressure of being married off soon. These are consistent with PLFS findings, which time and again show low labour force participation among educated women in smaller towns^[60].

Case Study 2: Meera – Negotiating Study and Motherhood

Meera, 29 years, from Bengaluru, had pursued her master’s in HR and worked in a well-established firm for three years. Post-marriage and childbirth, she was at home. On returning to work, she found it difficult to get jobs as per her earlier experience. Lacking any on-site crèche and flexible work arrangements, she was forced to resort to freelancing. Her experience illustrates the pattern of career breaks following marriage and child-raising as recorded in research on urban employment trends^[61].

Case Study 3: Salma – Skilling without Placement

Salma, aged 19, from a village in rural Assam, joined a government-sponsored skilling program in tailoring. After the training, there was no organized follow-up training or placement support offered. Social norms also discouraged her from visiting contiguous towns to look for a job. The disconnection between training and linkage with employment markets, particularly for rural women, has been highlighted in recent labour market studies^[62].

Student View (Peer Survey Observation)

A minor informal survey of students in one single private university showed that:

• More than 65% of the female students surveyed reported “doubts regarding permission to work after marriage.”
• Almost 50% were unaware of maternity leave arrangements or career re-entry programmes^[63].

These results are in line with broader literature reporting a deficiency in information and support systems among even urban educated young women. These case studies bring to light the fact that even with educational qualifications, Indian women continue to face barriers of security, mobility, family coercion, and poor workplace policies. They illustrate that it is not merely a question of education or skilling, but also a shift in cultural mores and concerted policy enforcement^[64].

Comparative Analysis: Learning from Global and Regional Experiences

Despite numerous interventions undertaken by the government of India, gender disparities in education and employment still persist. Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Vietnam are some of the other developing nations that have moved relatively better towards women empowerment through education and employment. Cross-country comparison, the context of modern job environments such as remote work and entrepreneurship, and national-level discourse on the basis of quantitative indicators are explored in this section.

Cross-National Comparisons

Other countries like Bangladesh have placed priority on imparting education to women through large conditional cash transfer programs like Female Secondary School Assistance Program (FSSAP), which have contributed strongly to enrolment and retention^[65]. Though Sri Lanka boasts among the region’s highest rates of female literacy in South Asia (over 91%) and has strong maternal leave policies and public sector inclusiveness^[66].

Vietnam, with its socialist policy tradition, provides almost equal access to education and promotes women entrepreneurship through government-supported microfinance schemes^[67]. These nations have realized that gender equality is not merely a welfare objective but also a growth model, as can be discerned from their more heterogeneous labour force.

India, while making impressive strides in literacy and enrollment, is behind in terms of the employment of women in the labor force, a woman’s education-employability mismatch.

References
Government Reports and Data Sources

• Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation. (2022). Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) 2021–22. Government of India.
  https://mospi.gov.in
• Ministry of Education. (2022). Unified District Information System for Education Plus (UDISE+). Government of India.
  https://education.gov.in
• Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India. (2011). Census of India 2011. Government of India.
  https://censusindia.gov.in
• National Sample Survey Office. (2019). 75th Round Survey Report. Government of India.
  https://mospi.gov.in
• World Economic Forum. (2023). Global Gender Gap Report 2023.
  https://www.weforum.org/reports/global-gender-gap-report-2023
• Institute for Human Development & International Labour Organization. (2022). India Labour and Employment Report 2022.
  https://www.ilo.org

Laws and Acts

• Equal Remuneration Act, No. 25 of 1976, India Code (1976).
• Maternity Benefit (Amendment) Act, No. 6 of 2017, India Code (2017).
• Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, No. 14 of 2013, India Code (2013).
• Legal Services Authorities Act, No. 39 of 1987, India Code (1987).

Court Cases

• Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan, AIR 1997 SC 3011 (India).
• Air India v. Nargesh Meerza, AIR 1981 SC 1829 (India).
• Anuj Garg v. Hotel Association of India, (2008) 3 SCC 1 (India).

International Treaties & Models

• International Labour Organization. (1951). Equal Remuneration Convention (No. 100).
  https://www.ilo.org
• International Labour Organization. (1958). Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention (No. 111).
  https://www.ilo.org
• United Nations. (1979). Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).
  https://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedaw
• United Nations Development Programme. (2022). Human Development Reports (various years).
  https://hdr.undp.org
• Government of Bangladesh. (n.d.). Female Secondary School Assistance Program (FSSAP).
  https://bangladesh.gov.bd

Academic References

• Mohapatra, S., & Luckert, M. (2014). The education–employment link and women’s participation in the labour market. Journal of Development Studies, 50(8), 1129–1143.
  https://doi.org/10.1080/00220388.2014.909026
• Sumanjeet. (2016). Social norms and economic barriers in women’s employment in India. Indian Journal of Gender Studies, 23(2), 143–161.
  https://doi.org/10.1177/0971521516632584
• Costagliola, M. (2021). Gender role socialisation and workforce participation in India. Gender Studies Review, 19, 55–72.

Web Platforms and Portals

• SHEROES. (n.d.). SHEROES – Women’s Community Platform.
  https://sheroes.com
• HerSecondInnings. (n.d.). HerSecondInnings – Women Restart Careers.
  https://hersecondinnings.com
• Ministry of Women and Child Development. (2023). Third-party audit of POSH compliance in private sector firms. Government of India.
• National Commission for Women. (2023). Status of POSH Implementation in India: Sectoral Assessment Report.
  https://ncw.nic.in

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